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PRINCETON,  N.  J. 


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Division  I>J 5.785 

Section  R68 


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Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/notesonethnologyOOrock 


SMITHSONIAN  INSTITUTION. 

UNITED  STATES  NATIONAL  MUSEUM. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 

BASED  ON  THE  COLLECTIONS  IN  THE 
U.  S.  NATIONAL  MUSEUM. 


BY 


/ 

WILLIAM  WOODVILLE  ROCKHILL, 


Gold  Medalist  of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society , 
Corresponding  Member  of  the  Gesellschaft  fiir  Erdkunde , etc . , etc. , etc. 


From  the  Report  of  the  U.  S.  National  Museum  for  1893,  pages  665-747,  with  plates  1-52. 


WASHINGTON: 
GOVERNMENT  PRINTING  OFFICE. 
1895. 


NOTES  OX  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 

BASED  ON  THE  COLLECTIONS  IN  THE  UNITED 
STATES  NATIONAL  MUSEUM. 


BY 

WILLIAM  WOOD  V ILI/E  ROCKIIILL, 

Gold  Medalist  of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society,  Corresponding  Member 
of  the  Gesellschaft  fiir  Erdkunde,  etc.,  etc.,  etc. 


665 


SYNOPSIS  OF  CONTENTS. 


Page. 

1.  Tibet — Origin  of  the  name — Limits — History  of  its  civilization  derived 

from  Tibetan  and  Chinese  sources 669 

II.  Character  of  the  country  and  people 673 

III.  Organization — Consanguineal — Political — Industrial 678 

IV.  Dress  and  personal  adornment 684 

V.  Habitations — Household  utensils — Food — Tobacco 701 

VI.  Agriculture — Weapons — Hunting — Music — Danciug 711 

VII.  Transportation 716 

VIII.  Monetary  system — Mediums  of  exchange — Writing — Printing — Time 

reckoning — Medical  knowledge 718 

IX.  Birth — Marriage — Death 724 

X.  Religion — Lamas — Religious  architecture — Objects  connected  with  relig- 
ious worship — Miscellaneous  objects  from  the  Chinese  border  lands..  730 

667 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 

[Based  on  Collections  in  the  U.  S.  National  Museum.] 


By  William  Woodvillk  Rockhill. 


I. 

TIBET — ORIGIN  OF  THE  NAME — LIMITS — HISTORY  OF  ITS  CIVILIZA- 
TION DERIVED  FROM  TIBETAN  AND  CHINESE  SOURCES. 

The  word  “Tibet,”  also  frequently  though  erroneously  written  Thibet, 
represents  two  Tibetan  words,*  meaning  “Upper  Bod,”  by  which  name 
the  central  and  western  portions  of  Tibet  are  occasionally  called  by  the 
natives,  to  distinguish  them  from  the  eastern  portion,  which  is  some- 
times referred  to  as  Man-Bod  ( Sman  Bod ),  meaning  “ Lower  Bod.” 

As  to  the  meaning  of  the  word  Bod , different  explanations  have 
been  offered  by  European  scholars — that  which  has  been  most  gener- 
ally accepted,  though  on  insufficient  grounds,  I think,  derives  it  from 
the  verb  libod-pa  (pronounced  bodpa)  “ to  call,  to  speak,”  and  attention 
has  been  called  to  the  fact  that  the  name  Slav  has  a similar  meaning. t 
Schiagintweit  says  the  name  is  derived  from  a word  meaning  “force,” 
and.  Vigne  (Travels  in  Kashmir,  n,  p.  248)  thinks  it  comes  from  the 
turkie  and  means  nothing  less  than  “the  mountains  of  the  people  pro- 
fessing the  Buddhist  religion.”  f 

However  this  may  be,  Tibetans  from  whatever  part  of  the  country 
they  come  speak  of  themselves  as  Bod-pa,  pronounced  in  some  dis- 
tricts Beuba,  iu  ot  hers,  Bopa,  and  even  Gopa.  In  colloquial  Tibetan 
the  country  is  called  Beu  lumba,  Beu  sa  ch’a  or  Beu  yul,  all  meaning 
“the  Beu  (ba)  country. ' 

The  earliest  mention  I have  found  of  the  word  “Tibet”  is  in  the 
Arab  Istakhri’s  works  (circa  590  A.  I).),  where  it  is  used  uudertheform 
Tobbat.  Other  Arab  authors  of  a later  date  transcribe  the  word 
Tobbat , Tubbat , Tibbat,  Tibat,  and  Thabbat.  The  earliest  use  of  the 

* Stod  and  Bod  (pronounced  Teu-beu). 

tSee  Ainedee  Thierry,  Histoire  d’Attila  et  de  ses  successenrs,  i,  p.  284. 

fThis  paper  also  embodies  the  personal  observations  made  by  the  author  during 
two  journeys  to  Tibet  in  1888-89  aud  1891-’92. 


669 


670 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


word  by  an  European  author  is  found  in  Plano  Carpini’s  Historia  Mon- 
galorum  (A.  D.  1247),  where  it  occurs  under  the  form  Thabet ; Rubruk 
in  his  Itinerarium  uses  the  form  Tebet,  as  does  also  Marco  Polo.  (See 
H.  Yule,  Glossary  of  Anglo-Indian  words,  pp.  332,  698.)* 

Mongols  speak  of  Tibet  as  Tangut , and  Tibetans  they  call  Tan- 
gutu , and  this  is  the  origin  of  another  appellation  for  this  people  and 
country  sometimes  used  by  European  authors,  Tangast  (Theophy- 
lactus)  and  Tangut  (Prjevalsky),  which  should,  however,  be  discarded 
as  useless  and  misleading,  as  the  people  inhabiting  this  section  of 
country  are  pure  Tibetans. 

Tibet  is  geographically,  roughly  speaking,  that  section  of  central  Asia 
which  extends  between  the  76°  and  102°  of  east  longitude  and  from 
the  28°  to  36°  of  north  latitude,  and,  with  the  exception  of  its  extreme 
western,  southwestern,  and  southern  portions,  it  forms  an  integral  por- 
tion of  the  Chinese  Empire. 

Elisee  Reclus  (Geographic  Universelle,  yii,  p.  20  et  seq.)  says  that 
Tibet  forms  a vast  half  circle  with  a radius  of  SCO  kilometers,  and  that 
it  is  one  of  the  best  defined  natural  regions  in  the  world.  He  roughly 
estimates  its  area,  rightly  including  in  it  the  Kokonor  Tibetan  region 
on  the  northeast,  and  the  other  Tibetan-speaking  countries  on  the  west 
and  south,  at  about  2,000,000  square  kilometers. 

It  would  be  premature  at  the  present  stage  of  our  researches  into 
the  question  to  give  any  opinion  on  the  varied  affinities  of  the  Tibetans. 
Philologically  they  belong  to  the  same  linguistic  family  as  the  Bur- 
mese. Their  national  records  have  been  so  badly  kept  that  they  are  of 
little  service  to  us  in  solving  the  problem  of  their  early  home,  and  the 
Chinese  annals  do  not  enable  us  to  go  back  earlier  than  the  eighth 
century,  A.  I).,  at  which  time  the  Chinese  came  in  contact  with  tribes 
of  this  race,  then  scattered  throughout  the  northeast  corner  of  Tibet 
between  the  upper  Yang  tzu  kiang,  the  Kokonor,  and  the  western 
section  of  Kan-su  and  Ssu-ch’uau  as  far  east  as  the  river  Min,  in  the 
latter  province. 

The  purest  type  of  Tibetan  is  still  to  be  found  among  the  pastoral 
tribes  of  that  race,  and  when  proper  allowance  has  been  made  for  foreign 
influences,  everything  points  to  a time  when  the  whole  Tibetan,  race 
lead  a purely  pastoral  life,  and  it  would  seem  that  the  early  home  of 
the  Tibetan  must  be  sought,  not  as  they  claim,  in  the  valleys  to  the 
south  of  the  city  of  Lh’asa,  but  to  the  northeast  section  of  the  country, 
somewhere  near  the  Kokonor,  to  which  region  they  probably  came,  as 
Chinese  annals  lead  us  to  believe,  from  the  east. 

Reference  has  been  made  to  Tibetau  historical  works  as  a guide  in 
the  intricate  question  of  their  national  origin,  but  it  is  believed  that 
these  works  are  of  little,  if  any,  assistance.  As  a means  of  studying 

* Throughout  this  paper  Tibetan  words  are  written  phonetically,  consonants  are 
pronounced  as  in  Euglisli  and  vowels  have  the  sound  of  the  corresponding  Italian 


ones. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


671 


the  growth  of  the  country  and  its  advance  in  civilization  they  are 
fortunately  of  a little  more  use. 

1 will  here  briefly  give  the  principal  data  bearing  on  the  subject  which 
interests  us,  contained  in  a “ Book  of  Kings,”  or  Gyal-rabs  sal-vai 
m6-loug  (Dr.  Emil  Sclilagintweit’s  edition,  1866),  which  it  must,  however, 
be  admitted  is  of  comparatively  modern  origin  and  was  unquestionably 
compiled  under  Chinese  influence. 

From  this  work  we  learn  that  in  the  flrst  century  B.  C.  there 
appeared  in  Tibet,  in  the  valley  of  the  Tsangpo  cli’u  and  to  the  south 
of  the  city  of  LITasa,  a marvelously  endowed  child  whom  the  wild 
natives  thought  heaven  had  sent  to  rule  them,  and  whom  they  took  as 
their  chief.  This  would  point  to  intercourse  with  India  during  the 
earliest  days  of  their  national  existence,  but  as  the  work  goes  on  to 
show  that  this  prince  was  a direct  descendant  of  the  Buddha  Gautama, 
a descent  than  which  none  could  be  higher  in  the  eyes  of  the  devout 
Tibetans,  we  may  doubt  the  accuracy  of  the  record  on  this  point. 

In  the  reign  of  this  first  prince’s  seventh  successor,  consequently 
sometime  iu  the  second  century  A.  D.,  it  is  stated  that  charcoal  was 
made  for  the  first  time,  and  iron,  copper,  and  silver  were  extracted  from 
the  ore,  plows  were  introduced,  and  the  irrigation  of  fields  made  known. 

In  the  fifth  century  A.  D.,  in  the  reign  of  Tri-uyan  zung-tan,  fields 
were  for  the  first  time  fenced  in,  skin  garments  were  made,  walnut  trees 
were  planted,  and  reservoirs  dug  to  supply  water  for  irrigating  the 
fields. 

In  the  reign  of  his  successor  the  yak  was  crossed  with  the  domestic 
cow  and  the  valuable  cross-breed  called  djo  obtained.  Mules  were 
imported  into  the  country  and  the  people  were  taught  how  to  make 
bundles  of  hay.  From  the  fact  that  grass  is  still  at  the  present  day 
twisted  into  heavy  cables  and  allowed  to  dry  in  this  shape  and  is  so 
kept,  both  in  Kashmir  (see  W.  Mooreroft,  Travels,  II,  153)  and  in  Tibet, 
it  is  probable  that  this  method  of  bundling  hay  was  learned  from  the 
former  country. 

In  the  seventh  century  Srong-tsau  gam  bo  ascended  the  throne  of 
Tibet  and  in  lus  long  reign  the  country  made  rapid  strides  in  civiliza- 
tion. Under  his  rule  Tibet  became  an  aggressive  power  and  its  armies 
attacked  all  the  neighboring  countries,  China  not  excepted. 

The  King  sent  T’onmi  Samb’ota  to  India  to  there  find  a system  of 
writing  applicable  to  the  Tibetan  language,  and  also  to  open  negotia- 
tions for  his  marriage  with  a Kepalese  princess. 

T’onmi  brought  back  an  alphabet  based  on  the  nagari  in  use  at  the 
time  in  Kashmir,  and  composed  of  30  consonants,  24  of  which  repro- 
duced more  or  less  closely  their  prototypes,  and  6 were  invented  for 
sounds  which  did  not  exist  in  Sanskrit. 

It  is  recorded  m the  Bodhimur  (I.  J.  Schmidt,  Geschichte  der  Ost 
Mongolen,  p.  329)  that  the  King  wrote  a treatise  on  horse  breeding, 
besides  several  other  lighter  works. 


672 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 

With  the  Nepalese  consort  he  had  taken  to  himself,  Buddhism,  which 
had  probably  been  known  to,  though  not  adopted  to  any  extent  by, 
the  Tibetans  prior  to  this  date,  became  the  state  religion,  and  the  form 
of  that  religion  obtaining  in  Nepaul  was  adopted  by  the  Tibetans, 
though  a number  of  ceremonies  and  customs  peculiar  to  their  national 
Bonbo  religion  were  retained  by  them  and  incorporated  in  the  new 
faith. 

With  the  Chinese  princess  who  was  married  to  Srong-tsan-gambo, 
somewhere  about  035  A.  D.,  many  Chinese  customs  and  valuable  inven- 
tions found  their  way  into  Tibet.  The  Tibetan  history  from  which  most 
of  the  preceding  data  are  obtained  says  that  rice  wine  ( samshu ) and 
barley  wine  ( ch’ang ),  butter,  and  cheese  then  for  the  first  time  became 
known  in  Tibet,  the  people  learned  how  to  make  pottery,  and  water 
mills  and  looms  were  introduced  into  the  country. 

Chinese  history  tells  ns  that  when  the  king  took  the  princess  Wen- 
ch’eng  to  his  capital,  which  he  had  but  recently  transferred  to  Lh’asa 
from  a point  further  south,  at  or  near  the  capital  of  the  first  king,  Nya- 
tri  tsanpo,  he  built  her  a palace  in  Chinese  style, 

But  the  princess,  disliking  the  reddish-brown  color  with  which  the  people  were 
in  the  habit  of  coating  their  faces,"  the  king  forbade  the  practise  throughout  the 
realm.  He  himself,  discarding  his  felt  and  sheepskin  garments,  wore  fine  silks 
and  brocades,  and  gradually  adopted  Chinese  customs.  He  sent  the  children  of  his 
chief  men  to  attend  the  schools  of  China,  there  to  study  the  classics,  and  his  official 
■communications  to  the  Emperor  were  written  in  Chinese.  He  asked  the  Emperor  to 
send  him  silkworm  eggs,  wine  presses,  paper  and  ink  makers.  These  things, 
together  with  the  imperial  almanack,  were  all  sent  him.  (Wei-Tsang  t’u  chih,  in 
Jour.  Roy.  Asiat.  Soc.,  n.  s.,  xxm,  p.  191.) 

But  more  than  anything  else  the  introduction  of,  and  the  rapid  con- 
quest of  the  country,  by  Buddhist  missionaries  from  Nepal,  Kashmir, 
and  China  helped  to  mold  the  culture  of  the  country  into  its  present 
form,  in  which  the  arts  and  customs  of  India  and  China  are  found  side 
by  side  overlaying  tiie  rude  native  civilization,  though  the  latter  is 
never  entirely  hidden  from  view. 

Under  the  reign  of  the  grandson  of  Srong-tsan  gambo,  Gung  srong 
du-je  by  name,  tea  was  introduced  into  Tibet  from  China,  and  earrings 
and  new  modes  of  hairdressing  were  brought  there  from  India. 

A little  later  on  it  is  said  that  works  on  astronomy  and  astrology, 
medicine  and  surgery,  were  translated  from  Sanskrit  and  Chinese  into 
the  stilted,  artificial  literary  Tibetan  which  had  grown  up  since  the 
introduction  of  the  alphabet  and  the  adoption  of  Buddhism  in  the 
country.  (See  W.  W.  Roekliill,  Life  of  the  Buddha,  p.  201  et  seq.) 

At  this  point  in  the  history  of  the  civilization  in  Tibet,  Chinese  and 
native  works  alike  fail  us,  but  enough  has  been  got  from  them  to  show 

* Tibetan  women  at  the  present  (lay  cover  their  faces  with  a black  paste  made  of 
catechu  and  grease,  to  protect  the  skin,  which  in  such  a dry  and  windy  country  would, 
without  it,  be  badly  cracked.  (See  Jour.  Roy.  Asiat.  Soc.,  n.  s.,  xxm,  p.  225,  and 
'W.  W.  Roekliill,  Land  of  the  Lamas,  p.  214.) 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


673 


us  that  the  present  civilization  and  rather  advanced  degree  of  culture 
is  entirely  borrowed  from  China,  India,  and,  I may  add,  possibly  Turke- 
stan, and  that  Tibet  has  only  contributed  the  simple  arts  of  the  tent- 
dwelling herdsman.  What  history  has  partially  disclosed  to  us  will 
be  more  fully  demonstrated  by  an  examination  of  the  Museum’s  Tibetan 
collections,  and  by  a comparison  of  the  habits  and  customs  of  the 
country  with  those  of  the  people  living  beyond  its  eastern  and  southern 
borders. 

II. 

CHARACTER  OF  THE  COUNTRY  AND  PEOPLE. 

Tibet  is  naturally  divided  into  three  parts,  according  to  the  altitude 
of  the  country  above  sea  level  and  the  trend  of  the  valleys: 

(1)  The  northern  plateaux,  extending  over  more  than  12°  of  longi- 
tude (from  east  longitude  80°  to  92°)  and  over  G°  of  latitude  (from  30° 
north  to  3G°),  which  are  over  an  average  altitude  of  15,000  feet  above 
sea  level  and  are  inhabited  by  a scanty  population  of  seminomadic 
pastoral  tribes  called  Drupa  ( Hbrog-pa .) 

(2)  Talleys  which  run  either  parallel  to  the  southern  edge  of  this 
great  northern  plateau  or  which,  having  their  heads  on  its  eastern 
eage,  trend  in  an  easterly  direction  for  a few  hundred  miles,  and  which 
nowhere  descend  below  an  altitude  of  10,000  feet  above  the  level  of 
the  sea. 

(3)  Valleys  trending  approximately  north  and  south  in  the  eastern 
portion  of  this  country  and  which  descend  to  an  altitude  of  6,000  feet 
above  the  level  of  the  sea. 

In  the  country  comprised  iu  these  last  two  regions  permanent  habi- 
tations and  cultivation  are  found  up  to  an  average  altitude  of  about 
13,500  feet,  which  is  also  approximately  the  height  of  the  timber  line 
in  this  latitude. 

The  northern  and  southern  trend  of  the  valleys  in  the  eastern  portion 
of  this  third  region,  opposing  no  barrier  to  the  moisture-laden  clouds 
driven  by  the  southwest  monsoon,  the  region  around  the  Kokonor 
and  all  the  country  to  the  southwest  of  it  has  probably  a much  heavier 
rainfall  than  any  other  part  of  Tibet,  and  the  lower  portions  of  all 
the  valleys  in  this  region  are  consequently  much  more  fertile  than 
others  of  the  same  altitude,  but  trendin  g east  and  west,  along  the 
northern  slope  of  the  Himalaya. 

All  these  natural  conditions  have  exercised  marked  influence  on  the 
degree  of  culture  and  on  the  peopling  of  the  different  sections  of  this 
country,  and  must  not  be  lost  sight  of  in  any  study  of  the  inhabitants 
and  their  relationship  and  intercourse  with  other  tribes  and  peoples. 

With  the  exception  of  the  extreme  northern  and  northeastern  por- 
tions of  the  region  here  called  Tibet,  the  population  belongs  essentially 
to  one  race,  and,  as  elsewhere  mentioned,  the  purest  representatives  of 
this  stock  are  to  be  found  among  the  pastoral  tribes,  or  Drupa,  which, 
H.  Mis.  184,  pt.  2 43 


674 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


■whether  found  around  the  Kokonor,  in  eastern,  western,  or  central 
Tibet,  offer  a uniform  type  which  may  be  called  the  Drupa  type. 

The  second  type  of  the  Tibetan  race  is  found  in  those  sections  of  the 
country  in  which  there  are  permanent  habitations.  It  is  a mixed  race, 
becoming  more  Chinese  as  one  goes  toward  China,  or  more  Indian 
(Nepalese  or  Kashmiri)  as  one  travels  southward  or  westward.  The 
reason  of  the  very  pronounced  departure  of  this  portion  of  the  present 
Tibetan  population  from  its  original  type  is  easily  accounted  for  in  the 
custom  of  foreign  traders,  soldiers,  pilgrims,  or  officials  inhabiting 
the  country,  of  never  bringing  their  wives  into  Tibet,  but  taking 
native  concubines,  a custom,  by  the  way,  common  in  most  parts  of  Asia. 
In  as  small  a population  as  that  of  Tibet,  which  does  not  probably 
exceed  3,000,000  (Journ,  Roy.  Asiat.  Soc.,  n.  s.,  xxm,  p.  14),. where  the 
principal  centers  of  population  are  and  have  been  inhabited  by  com- 
paratively large  numbers  of  foreigners  for  several  centuries  at  least, 
this  profound  alteration  of  the  primitive  type  is  easily  accounted  for 
in  this  manner. 

Among  the  Drupa  Tibetans  the  males  measure  about  5 feet  5 inches; 
the  females  not  appreciably  less.*  The  head  is  brachycephalic;  the 
hair,  when  worn,  is  nearly  invariably  wavy ; the  eyes  are  usually  of 
a clear  brown,  in  some  cases  even  hazel;  the  cheekbones  are  high,  but 
not  as  high  as  with  the  Mongols:  the  nose  is  thick,  sometimes 
depressed  at  the  root,  in  other  cases  promiueut,  even  aquiline,  but 
usually  narrow,  but  the  nostrils  are  broad;  the  teeth  are  strong,  but 
irregular;  the  ears,  with  tolerably  large  lobes,  stand  out  from  the  head, 
but  to  a less  degree  than  with  the  Mongols;  the  mouth  is  broad,  the 
lips  not  very  full,  and  among  the  people  in  the  lower  regions  decidedly 
thin;  the  beard  is  very  thin  and,  with  the  exception  of  the  mustache, 
which  is  sometimes  worn,  especially  in  central  Tibet,  it  is  carefully 
plucked  out  with  tweezers.  Though  1 have  seen  a few  men  in  central 
Tibet,  at  Draya  and  Ch'amdo,  for  instance,  with  tolerably  heavy  beards 
and  hair  all  over  their  bodies,  as  a general  rule  Tibetans  have  no  hair  on 
their  limbs  or  chests.  The  shoulders  are  broad,  tlie  arms  normal;  the 
legs  not  well  developed,  the  calf  especially  small.  The  foot  is  large, 
the  hand  coarse. 

The  women  are  usually  stouter  than  the  men,  their  faces  much  fuller; 
their  breasts  are  not  large,  nor  are  they  very  pendent.  They  do  not 
appear  to  be  very  prolific;  I have  never  seen  in  any  one  family  more 
than  six  or  seven  children;  many  are  barren.  They  do  not  entirely 
lose  their  good  looks  before  30  or  35.  They  are  as  strong,  or  perhaps 
even  strongerthan  the  men : because, obliged  to  do  hard  work  from  child- 
hood, their  muscles  are  more  fully  developed  than  those  of  the  men, 
who  neither  carry  water  on  their  backs,  work  at  the  looms,  nor  tend 
the  cattle.  The  women’s  hair  is  long  and  coarse,  but  not  very  thick;  it 
remains  black,  or  only  mixed  with  a little  white  to  extreme  old  age.  I 
have  rarely  seen  one  with  white  hair;  this  remark  applies  also  to  the  men. 

*See  Brian  H.  Hodgson,  miscellaneous  essays  relating  to  Indian  subjects,  ii,  p.  95. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


675 


There  is  very  little,  if  any,  pereeptible  odor  about  the  Tibetan’s  per- 
son, save  that  which  is  readily  traced  to  dirty  clothes.  Partial  baldness 
in  both  sexes  is  not  uncommon.  Their  heads  they  keep  tolerably  clean  by 
frequently  anointing  the  hair  and  scalp  with  butter,  but  vermin  is  com- 
mon among  them,  especially  with  the  women,  and  it  is  a very  common 
sight  to  see  a number  of  them  crouching  before  their  houses  in  the  sun 
cleaning  the  head  of  a husband,  a child,  or  a friend;  all  captures  belong 
to  the  original  owner,  who  eats  them  with  relish,  saying,  “ As  they 
live  on  me,  they  can  not  be  unclean  food  for  me,  though  they  might  be 
for  anyone  else.”  Washing  the  body  is  never,  or  hardly  ever,  indulged 
in,  except  involuntarily  when  fording  a stream  or  when  drenched  by  the 
rain.* 

The  skin  of  the  Tibetan  is  coarse  and  greasy.  Its  color  is  a light 
brown,  frequently  nearly  white,  except  where  exposed  to  the  weather, 
when  it  becomes  a - dark  brown,  nearly  the  color  of  our  American 
Indians.  Posy  cheeks  are  quite  common  among  the  younger  women. 

The  Tibetans’  voices  are  powerful,  those  of  the  men  deep;  those  of 
the  women  full  and  not  very  shrill.  Their  hearing  is  good,  and  they 
can  converse  freely  from  one  side  of  a.  valley  to  the  other,  a distance 
of  fully  a half  a mile,  without  ever  having  to  repeat  phrases  or  per- 
ceptibly raise  the  voice.  In  singing  their  voices  are  pitched  in  a lower 
key  than  is  usual  among  Chinese  or  Mongols,  and  in  their  church  serv- 
ices the  voices  are  always  a deep  bass.  Their  sight  does  not  appear  to 
be  exceptionally  sharp,  but  I have  seen  few  nearsighted  persons  among 
them,  though  blindness,  resulting  generally  from  cataracts,  is  rather 
common,  also  opthalmia,  attributable  in  a great  measure  to  their  using 
hats  but  rarely,  and  to  the  pungency  of  the  smoke  in  their  dwellings. 

They  can  endure  exposure  without  any  apparent  inconvenience.  In 
the  coldest  weather  I have  seen  them  slip  the  upper  part  of  their 
bodies  out  of  their  sheepskin  gowns  to  perform  any  kind  of  work  requir- 
ing freedom  of  motion.  The  women  do  nearly  all  their  work  with  the 
the  right  side  of  the  body  completely  exposed,  and  they  put  no  clothes 
on  very  small  children  except  iu  the  coldest  weather,  allowing  them  to 
move  about  naked,  or  with  only  a pair  of  boots  on. 

Hunger  they  can  also  endure,  and  they  are  at  all  times  small  eaters. 
Eating  a little  whenever  they  drink  their  tea,  they  never  take  a hearty 
meal,  but  stave  off  continually  the  pangs  of  hunger.  Though  the 
nature  of  the  food  they  use  is  such  that  they  can  not  endure  absolute 
privation  from  all  food  for  any  considerable  length  of  time,  they  can 
with  ease  travel  for  long  periods  on  starvation  rations. 

The  average  length  of  life  is  not  very  much  shorter  in  Tibet  than 
among  the  Mongols,  though  it  is  certainly  lower  than  among  the 
Chinese.  I have  seen  but  few  old  men  among  them,  and  they  were  not 

* Speaking  of  their  neighbors,  the  Mongols,  William  of  Rubruk  remarks  : “ Vestes 
nnnquam  lavaut  quia  dicunt  quod  Deus  tunc  irascitur,  et  quod  fiat  tonitrua  si 
suspendautur  ad  siccaudum.  Imrno  lavantes,  verberant,  et  eis  auferunt.”  (Itinera- 
rium,  Edit.  Soc.  G<iog.  de  Paris,  p.  234.) 


676 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM.  1893. 


over  80  years  of  age.  A man  of  70  is  liekl  to  be  very  old,  and  I have 
not  seen  a woman  of  that  age.  The  age  of  puberty  is  reached  in  the 
males  about  the  fifteenth  year,  and  among  the  girls  possibly  a little 
sooner.  The  women  bear  until  at  least  35.  The  mothers  never  wean 
their  babies;  a child  continues  to  suckle  until  another  comes  to  take  its 
place;  I have  repeatedly  seen  children  of  4 years  of  age  walk  up  to 
their  mother  and  take  her  breast.  Among  the  natives  married  to 
Chinese  infanticide  is  sometimes  practiced,  as  I have  been  assured  by 
the  husbands  themselves,  but  as  a general  rule  the  Tibetan  women  are 
good  mothers,  and  the  fathers  show  great  fondness  for  their  offspring. 

The  most  common  abnormality  I have  noticed  among  Tibetan  men  is 
a supplementary  finger,  usually  growing  from  the  thumb,  and  in  one 
case  from  the  side  of  the  palm  nearest  the  little  finger.  This  is  also  a 
common  deformity  in  China.  I have  seen  two  cases  of  men  having  club 
feet,  or  “an  imperfectly  developed  foot  with  a shortened  leg.  One  case 
of  distortion  of  the  spine  and  one  of  supernumerary  teeth  (or  double 
row  of  lower  teeth),  have  also  come  to  my  notice,  and  Ashley  Eden 
(Report  on  the  state  of  Bootan,  p.  70)  mentions  three  albinos  in  a family 
of  Tibetans  in  Bhutan. 

Father  Desideri,  who  lived  in  Tibet  for  thirteen  years  (A.  D.  1716- 
1729),  says  that  “The  Tibetans  are  naturally  gentle,  but  uncultivated 
and  coarse’1  (Markham’s  Narrative  of  the  mission  of  George  Bogle, 
p.  300);  and  Father  Horacio  della  Penna,  another  missionary  to  that 
country  in  the  eighteenth  century,  says: 

The  Tibetans,  speaking  as  a rule,  are  inclined  to  vindictiveness;  but  they  know 
well  how  to  dissemble,  and  when  opportunity  offers  will  not  fail  to  revenge  them- 
selves. They  are  timid  and  greatly  fear  justice.  * * * If,  however,  they  are 

protected  by  some  great  lord,  they  lay  aside  all  fear  and  become  arrogant  and  proud. 
They  are  greedy  of  money ; * * * they  are  also  somewhat  given  to  lust;  * * * 

they  are  addicted  to  habits  of  intoxication  ; * * * they  are  but  slightly  loyal  to 

their  chiefs;  * * * they  are  also  dirty  and  nasty  and  without  refinement.  (Ibid. 

p.  318.) 

Father  Desgodius,  wbo  has  been  living  in  Tibet  since  1850,  thus 
describes  the  Tibetan : 

It  appears  to  me  that  the  Tibetan,  no  matter  who  he  may  be,  is  essentially  a slave 
to  human  respect.  If  he  believes  you  great,  powerful,  and  rich,  there  is  nothing  he 
will  not  do  to  obtain  your  good  will,  your  favors,  your  money,  or  even  a simple  mark 
of  your  approval.  If  he  has  only  something  to  hope  for,  he  will  receive  you  with  all 
the  signs  of  the  most  profound  submission  or  of  the  most  generous  cordiality,  accord- 
ing to  circumstances,  and  will  make  you  interminable  compliments,  using  the  most 
fulsome  and  the  most  honied  expressions  that  the  human  mind  has  been  able  to  invent. 
In  .this  line  he  might  give  points  to  the  most  accomplished  flatterer  of  Europe.  If, 
on  the  contrary,  he  thinks  you  of  low  station,  he  will  only  show  you  stiffness,  or  at 
the  most,  formal,  unwilling  politeness.  Should  your  fortune  change,  have  you 
become  a beggar  in  his  eyes,  abandoned  and  without  authority,  he  at  once  turns 
against  you,  treats  yon  as  a slave,  takes  the  side  of  your  enemies,  without  being 
ashamed  at  the  remembrance  of  his  former  protestations  of  devotion  and  friendship, 
without  listening  to  the  dictates  of  gratitude.  A slave  toward  the  great,  a despot 
to  the  small,  whoever  they  may  be,  dutiful  or  treacherous,  according  to  circum- 
stances, looking  always  for  some  way  to  cheat,  and  lying  shamelessly  to  attain  Ins 
end.  In  a word,  naturally  and  essentially  a false  character.  Such  is,  I think,  the 
Tibetan  of  the  cultivated  countries  of  the  south,  who  considers  himself  much  more 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


677 


civilized  than  the  shepherd  or  herdsman  of  the  north,  with  whom  I have  had  hut 
little  intercourse,  and  of  whom  I do  not  pretend  to  draw  the  portrait. 

One  readily  understands  that  with  such  a character,  with  dissolute  habits,  the 
Tibetan  becomes  easily  cruel  and  vindictive.  Often  discussion,  begun  in  laughter 
and  usually  while  drinking,  ends  with  drawn  knives.  If  he  has  not  appeased  his 
auger,  he  never  forgives.  Revenge  alone  can  pacify  him  if  he  believes  himself 
insulted.  But  he  does  not  show  it  at  first.  On  the  contrary,  he  affects  to  live  on 
good  terms  with  his  enemy.  He  invites  him,  trades  in  preference  with  him,  but  he 
will  put  a ball  in  his  chest  after  a good  dinner,  during  which  he  has  shown  himself 
most  friendly  and  has  sworn  the  other  lasting  friendship. 

Such  are  the  principal  faults  of  the  Tibetan.  What  are  his  virtues  ? I believe  his 
mind  is  instinctively  religious,  and  this  leads  him  to  willingly  perform  certain 
external  devotional  practices  and  even  to  go  on  long  and  trying  pilgrimages,  which 
cost  him,  however,  but  little  money.  As  to  religious  convictions,  he  has  absolutely 
none,  a result  of  the  profound  ignorance  in  which  the  lamas  leave  the  people,  either 
on  account  of  their  incapacity  to  teach  them,  or  perhaps  so  as  to  keep  the  business  of 
worship  in  their  own  hands,  as  it  insures  them  a large  revenue.  The  religious  acts 
of  the  people  are  only  performed  through  routine;  they  do  not  understand  them  or 
care  to  understand  them ; hence  ignorance  in  the  lower  classes,  scepticism  and  indif- 
ference in  the  others,  principally  among  the  mandarins  and  lamas.  The  Tibetan’s 
other  virtues  are  nearly  all  material  ones,  if  I may  use  such  an  expression ; thus,  he 
hears  with  ease  and  for  long  periods  cold,  fatigue,  hunger,  and  thirst;  but  if  he 
finds  good  compensation  for  his  sufferings,  he  will  never  overlook  it.  He  is  generally 
active,  but  less  industrious  than  the  Chinese,  and  arts  have  advanced  much  less  in 
Tibet  than  in  China.  While  at  work,  he  sings  without  a care;  at  a feast,  he  goes 
gossiping  about  and  drinking  with  his  friends ; he  sings,  dances,  and  drinks  during 
the  night  without  a recollection  of  the  sorrows  of  the  day  before,  or  without  think- 
ing of  the  cares  of  the  morrow.  Such  is  the  Tibetan  as  I have  known  him.  (C.  H. 
Desgodins,  Le  Thibet,  pp.  251-253.) 

Though  Father  Desgodins  has  lived  longer  among  Tibetans  than  any 
other  foreigner  of  whom  I know,  still  the  opinions  of  other  travelers 
must  not  be  overlooked.  Turner  (Embassy  to  the  Court  of  the  Teshoo 
Lama,  p.  350)  says: 

The  Tibetans  are  a very  humane,  kind  people ; I have  personally  had  numerous 
opportunities  of  observing  their  disposition. 

Humanity,  and  an  unartificial  gentleness  of  disposition,  are  the  constant  inheri- 
tance of  a Tibetan.  I never  saw  these  qualities  preserved  by  any  people  in  a more 
eminent  degree.  Without  being  servilely  officious,  they  are  always  obliging;  the 
higher  ranks  are  unassuming;  the  inferior,  respectful  in  their  behavior;  nor  are  they 
at  all  deficient  in  their  attentions  to  the  female  sex ; but,  as  we  find  them  moderate 
in  all  their  passions,  in  this  respect  also  their  conduct  is  equally  remote  from  rude- 
ness and  adulation. 

Capt.  Turner,  it  is  uot  amiss  to  remark,  attributes  these  pleasing 
qualities  of  the  Tibetan  to  the  much-abused  practice  of  polyandry. 

Though  I would  not  care  to  put  up  my  opinion  against  men  who  have 
had  so  much  more  experience  than  I of  the  native  character,  I can  not 
but  think  that  the  Tibetan’s  character  is  not  as  black  as  Horace  della 
Peuna  and  Desgodins  have  painted  it.  Intercourse  with  these  people 
extending  over  six  years  leads  me  to  believe  that  the  Tibetan  is  kind- 
hearted,  affectionate,  and  law-abiding,  and  that  many  of  the  most  objec- 
tionable features  in  his  character,  those  on  which  Desgodins  chiefly 
dwells,  only  appear  in  his  intercourse  with  foreigners  with  whom  he 
has  had  hardly  any  relations,  and  whom  he  instinctively  fears  and 


678 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


mistrusts,  in  view  of  the  open  hostility  shown  them  by  the  official  class 
throughout  the  country. 

Let  us  finish  this  sketch  of  Tibetan  character  by  quoting  what  they 
say  of  themselves,  and  we  need  not  judge  them  more  harshly  than  the 
author  of  the  Maui  Kambum: 

The  earliest  inhabitants  of  Tibet  descended  from  a king  of  monkeys  and  a female 
hobgoblin,  and  the  character  of  the  race  partakes  of  those  of  its  first  parents;  from 
the  king  of  monkeys  (he  was  an  incarnate  god)  they  have  religious  faith  and  kind- 
heartedness.  intelligence,  and  application,  devotion  to  religion  and  to  religious  deba  te ; 
from  the  hobgoblin,  their  ancestress,  they  get  cruelty,  fondness  for  trade  and  money 
making,  great  bodily  strength,  lustfulness,  fondness  for  gossip,  and  earniverous 
instincts.  (Laud  of  the  Lamas,  p.  359.) 

III. 

ORGANIZATION — C'ONS  ANGUINE  AL — POLITICAL — INDUSTRIAL. 

Our  present  knowledge  of  Tibetan  society  is  still  too  imperfect  to 
justify  touching  on  this  subject  except  with  extreme  caution. 

As  far  as  I have  been  able  to  ascertain  during  my  residence  among 
the  Drupa  or  tent-dwelling  tribes  of  Tibet,  which,  as  previously  stated, 
I am  led  to  believe  represent  the  purest  type  of  that  race,  and  in  which 
the  earliest  form  of  Tibetan  civilization  has  been  well  preserved,  all  the 
members  of  a clan  have  no  family  name  except  that  of  the  chief  or  clan 
which  is  prefixed  to  their  own.  Thus,  there  are  the  Konsa,  Chamri, 
Arik,  Nyam-ts’o.  Cliu,  Su,  Na,  etc.,  clans,  and  individuals  of  these  clans 
are  spoken  of  as  Chamri  Solo,  Nyain-ts’o  Purdung,  Konsa  Arabtau,  etc. 
While  a man  may  marry  a woman  either  of  his  own  tribal  name  or  one 
of  another,  he  may  not  a relative  within  at  least  three  degrees,  and 
chiefs  do  not  marry,  I think,  in  their  clans.  The  looseness  of  the  mar- 
riage relations,  the  difficulty  of  identifying  people  who  are  oidy  known 
by  surnames,  such  as  Lobzang,  Dorje,  Drolma,  etc.,  all  names  of  Bud- 
dhist origin,  together  with  the  habit  of  never  using  a person’s  name 
when  addressing  him  or  her,  and  the  very  marked  disinclination  of 
this  people,  in  common  with  most  Asiatics,  I may  remark,  of  speaking 
of  their  families  or  family  affairs,  make  researches  on  this  subject 
extremely  difficult.  The  fact  that  throughout  Tibet  not  only  polyandry 
but  also  polygamy  obtains,  adds  wonderfully  to  the  confusion  in  which 
the  question  of  consauguineal  organization  is  involved. 

Sarat  Chandra  Das  (Narrative  of  a journey  round  Lake  Yamdo,  p. 
73)  says: 

In  Tibet  there  are  no  social  restrictions  or  hindrances  to  marriage.  The  rich  may 
bestow  their  daughters  on  the  poor,  the  daughter  of  a poor  man  may  become  the 
bride  of  the  proudest  noble  of  the  country. 

The  Annals  of  the  T’ang  Dynasty  (T’ang  sliu,  Bk.,  221,  quoted  in 
Land  of  the  Lamas,  p.  338)  speaking  of  the  T’ang-hsiang,  a pure  Tib- 
etan tribe  living  iu  the  seventh  or  eighth  century.  A.  IX,  somewhere 
near  the  western  border  of  the  Chinese  proviuce  of  Kan-su,  says  of 
them : 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


679 


A son  may  marry  his  deceased  father’s  or  uncle’s  wife  (or  wives) ; a younger 
brother  his  deceased  brother’s  wife,  but  he  may  not  marry  a person  of  the  same  cog- 
nomen as  himself. 

Speaking  of  the  Eastern  Kingdom  of  women  ( Tung  nil  kuo),  also  a 
principality  of  eastern  Tibet  of  the  same  period,  and  of  which  the 
people  may  have  been  Tibetans,  the  same  work  remarks  that  “the  sons 
take  the  family  name  of  their  mothers.”  (Land  of  the  Lamas,  p.  341.) 

In  the  more  highly  civilized  portions  of  Tibet  there  is  no  trace  of 
family  or  tribal  organization,  nor  is  there  any  of  castes.  Certain  fami- 
lies in  each  district,  town,  or  city  have  acquired  wealth,  and  numbers 
of  them  have  held  official  positions — some  in  the  church,  others  in  the 
state — for  many  generations  past.  Around  them,  or  on  the  land  granted 
them  by  the  state  ( jaghirs , they  call  such  grants  in  India),  live  numer- 
ous tenants,  serfs  ( misser ),  or  slaves  in  some  parts  of  the  country,  but 
they  are  held  as  members  of  the  family  they  serve,  and  the  misser  at 
least  are  not  bound  to  the  land,  but  may  move  where  they  please. 

Butchers,  those  who  cut  up  corpses,  beggars,  and  criminals,  are  the 
only  persons  at  the  present  day  who  do  not  enjoy  the  same  social  priv- 
ileges as  are  granted  to  the  highest  classes.  Dyers  and  workers  in 
metal  are  also,  in  some  localities,  looked  down  on,  and  the  ostracism  of 
these  two  latter  classes  is  in  all  probability  a result  of  continued  inter- 
course with  India. 

As  further  bearing  on  the  subject  of  relationship,  it  is  interesting  to 
note  that,  while  the  Tibetan  language  is  comparatively  rich  in  words 
expressing  “father,”  “mother,”  “brothers,”  in  relation  to  age,  or  to 
sisters,  uncles,  and  aunts,  it  has  only  one  word  for  “nephew”  or  “niece,” 
and  this  is  also  used  for  “grandson”  and  “granddaughter,”  and  it  has 
none  to  express  “cousin,”  but  the  word  pon  (spun),  “brothers,”  or 
“brothers  and  sisters,”  is  sometimes  used  to  express  this  relationship. 
(Land  of  the  Lamas,  p.  213.) 

The  following  table  gives  all  the  names  for  the  various  degrees  of 
relationship  that  I have  been  able  to  note,  in  the  Lh’asan  and  the  east- 
ern Tibetan  dialects:  * 


English. 

Lh’asan. 

East  Tibetan. 

Ap'a. 

Kuwo  ch'e-wa. 
Kuwo  ch'e-wa. 
Kuwo  ch’e-wa. 
P’aya. 

Maya. 

Bu. 

Bu 

Lo-eh'ung. 

Yangtsa. 

Yangtsa. 

Jycba. 

■J  yemo  or  Kamo. 

Cousin ( 

1 

Akeu-gi  pugu  (lit. 

“uncle’s  child’  ). 
An6  gi  pugu  (lit. 
“ auut’s  child  ”). 

* See,  however,  Jaeschke,  Tib.  Engl.  Diet.,  s.  v.  ch’ung,  et  passim. 


680 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


Politically  Tibet  maybe  divided  into  three  parts:  (1)  Country  under 
direct  Lh’asau  rule  or  influence;  (2)  country  under  Chinese  rule  or 
influence;  (3)  country  under  British  or  other  rule  or  influence. 

The  first  part  comprises  all  central,  western,  most  of  the  northern 
portion  of  the  country,  and  a few  outlying  districts  in  eastern  Tibet, 
such  as  Mark’ams,  Xyarong,  Ts’arong,  etc.  The  second  part  includes 
all  northeastern  Tibet,  most  of  eastern,  and  a long,  narrow  strip 
called  Jyade,  extending  nearly  as  far  west  as  the  Tengri  nor.  The 
third  part  comprises  Sikkim,  Bhutan,  Ladak,  etc. 

The  spiritual  and  temporal  ruler  of  the  Kingdom  of  Lh’asa  (Deba 
djong  is  the  term  usually  employed  by  natives  to  designate  this  por- 
tion of  Tibet)  is  an  incarnation  of  the  god  Shenrazig,  the  patron  saint 
of  the  land.  He  is  called  Jyal-wa  jvamts’o  or  Tale  lama.  Prior  to  1720 
the  Tale  lama  was  only  spiritual  ruler  of  Tibet,  but  at  that  date  he  was 
also  made  temporal  ruler  of  the  country  by  the  Chinese.  ( Journ.  Roy. 
Asiat.  Soc.,  n.  s.,  xxxiii,  pp.  74,  285  et  seq). 

Under  him  is  a regent,  collocpiially  called  “ King  of  Tibet,”  or  Desri , 
who  is  also  a lama,  chosen  in  turn  from  one  of  the  four  great  monasteries 
(ling)  of  Llfiasa,  and  whose  appointment  is  made,  like  that  of  the  Tal6 
lama  himself  and  of  all  other  high  dignitaries  of  the  state,*  subject 
to  the  approval  of  the  Emperor  of  China.  The  Desri  is  president  of 
the- council  of  ministers,  or  Kalon , who  are  five  in  number,  one  lama 
and  four  laymen.  These  administer  the  country  and  act  also  in  a 
judicial  capacity.  (Journ.  Roy.  Asiat.  Soc.,  loc.  cit.,  p.  239.)  The 
country  for  administrative  purposes  is  divided  into  53  djong  or  “dis- 
tricts,” over  which  are  Djong-pon,  appointed  by  the  Council  of  Minis- 
ters; they  are  both  civil  and  military  chiefs  of  their  districts.  Besides 
these  there  are  a number  of  I)eba , some  of  whom  are  chiefs  of  the 
pastoral  tribes,  or  Drupa,  inhabiting  the  more  elevated  and  open 
parts  ot  the  country. 

Certain  tracts  of  land  are  assigned  to  officers  of  high  rank  for  their 
support,  in  lieu  of  salaries,  and  others  are  given  as  endowments  to 
lamaseries.  On  many,  if  not  all,  of  these  the  beneficiaries  have  not 
only  all  the  revenues  derivable  therefrom,  but  exercise  also  judicial 
rights  over  the  people  inhabiting  these  estates,  who  are  their  serfs,  sub- 
ject to  all  such  corvees  as  they  may  see  fit  to  order,  such  as  working  the 
land,  going  on  caravans,  on  which  they  have  also  to  supply  pack  ani- 
mals or  saddle  ponies,  supplying  food  to  officers  when  passing  through 
their  place  of  residence,  etc.,  all  such  service  being  known  as  via* 

Although  I do  not  believe  that  slavery  exists  in  the  greater  part  of 
Tibet,  and  certainly  not  among  the  pastoral  tribes,  beyond,  perhaps,  a 

* For  further  details  ou  the  organization,  both  ecclesiastical  and  civil,  of  this  part 
of  Tibet,  I must  refer  the  reader  to  the  following  works:  Sarat  Chandra  Das,  Nar- 
rative of  a Journey  to  Lh’asa  in  1881-’82,  p.  175  et  seq. ; Journal  Royal  Asiatic  Society, 
new  series,  xxiii,  pp.  10-12,  238-242;  Land  of  the  Lamas,  p.  289  et  seq.;  C.  H.  Des- 
godins,  Le  Thibet  d'apr^s  la  correspondence  des  missionnaires,  p.263  et  seq. ; C.  R. 
Markham,  Narrative  of  the  Mission  of  George  Bogle  to  Tibet,  p.  319  et  seq. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


681 


mild  form  of  domestic  slavery  or  serfdom,  in  some  of  the  outlying  dis- 
tricts where  there  is  a large  non-Tibetan  population,  as  in  the  Ts’aroug 
province  in  southeastern  Tibet,  regular  slavery  prevails,  persons  becom- 
ing slaves  through  birth,  debt,  or  crime,  and  their  offspring  being 
also  slaves.  (Laud  of  the  Lamas,  pp.  285,  286.) 

The  second  part  of  Tibet  comprises  that  which  is  under  Chinese  rule 
and  influence.  It  consists  of  the  18  districts  of  eastern  Tibet,  whose 
organization  I have  described  elsewhere  (Land  of  the  Lamas,  p..218 
et  seq.),  the  Jyade  or  “Chinese  Province,”  and  the  Kokonor  Tibetan 
districts.  In  the  Jyade  there  are  36  chiefs  or  Debas,  chosen  from  among 
the  most  influential  headmen  of  the  country ; they  receive  their  appoint- 
ment from  the  imperial  Chinese  minister  resident  at  Lli’asa.  and  are  in 
receipt  of  a yearly  stipend  from  the  Emperor  of  China  of  100  ounces  of 
silver.  Under  them  are  numerous  chiefs  of  clans  whose  charges  are 
hereditary.  (Geographical  Journal,  ill,  p.  377.)  The  organization  of 
the  Tibetan  tribes  living  around  the  Kokonor  is  similar  to  that  of  Jyade, 
but  the  chiefs  receive  their  commissions  from  the  imperial  resident  at 
Hsi-niug  (Kan-su).  (Land  of  the  Lamas,  p.  73  et  seq.,  and  Diary  of  a 
journey  in  Mongolia  and  Tibet,  p.  122  et  seq.  and  p.  288.) 

The  advantages  to  China  of  this  organization  are  manifold,  and  have 
been  demonstrated  during  many  centuries  of  its  history.  With  a min- 
imum expenditure  of  forces  and  money,  China  attaches  the  frontier 
tribes  to  it  through  small  allowances  made  to  the  most  powerful  chiefs, 
by  granting  the  people  certain  advantages  in  trade  (exemption  from 
duties  at  all  Chinese  towns  along  the  border),  and  by  giving  them  lib- 
erty as  to  the  administration  of  the  internal  affairs  of  their  country. 
Whenever  necessary  a Chinese  military  expedition  can  vindicate  the 
supreme  authority  of  the  Emperor  by  a small  display  of  force,  whether 
it  be  in  Lli’asa  or  in  the  unruly  districts  of  northeast  Tibet. 

T.  T.  Cooper  (The  Mishmee  Hills,  p.  131),  speaking  of  the  application 
of  this  system  to  the  wild  Indian  hill  tribes,  says : 

It  is  a curious  fact  that,  while  we  have  ouly  for  a few  years  adopted  this  system 
of  quieting  some  of  the  Indian  hill  tribes,  the  Chinese  Government  commenced  several 
centuries  ago  by  a similar  system  the  subjugation  of  the  numerous  tribes  on  her 
western  frontiers,  which  to-day  form  one  of  the  finest  and  most  effectual  frontier 
guards  formed  by  any  country  in  the  world.  Along  a hill  frontier  of  over  600  miles 
the  tribes  of  western  China  form  a complete  barrier  against  ingress  from  the  west. 
The  chief  of  every  clan  or  tribe  has  a nominal  rank  conferred  upon  him,  to  which  is 
attached  a trifling  annual  stipend.  He  is  furnished  with  an  official  dress,  which  he 
wears  in  the  presence  of  all  Chinese  officials.  He  is  allowed  to  visit  the  court  of 
Pekin  every  five  years  at  his  own  expense,  if  he  chooses,  as  a mark  of  homage  to  the 
Emperor.  Such  visits,  however,  are  properly  discouraged  by  the  Chinese  officials, 
though  the  nominal  privilege  of  being  allowed  to  go  to  Pekin  is  grateful  to  the  pride 
^ of  the  barbarians,  and  makes  them  feel  that,  although  subjects  paying  tribute,  they 
are  still  persons  of  consequence  and  allies  of  a powerful  empire. 

Although  incorrect  as  to  some  details,  1 think  Cooper  has  accurately 
weighed  the  value  of  this  system  to  China. 

The  political  organization  of  the  third  section  of  Tibet,  which  com- 
prises Bhutan,  Sikkim,  and  Ladak,  is  properly  beyond  the  scope  of  this 


682 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


study.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  in  Bhutan  the  dual  organization  noticed  in 
Lh’asa  of  a spiritual  and  temporal  ruler  is  found  in  the  Dharma  Raja, 
the  spiritual  head  of  the  state,  and  the  Deb  Raja  or  temporal  ruler; 
there  is  also  a council  (or  Lenchen)  of  ten  members,  which  has  under  it 
a certain  number  of  district  officers  or  Djougpon.  (Ashley  Eden,  Report 
on  the  State  of  Bootan,  p.  108  et  seq.) 

In  Sikkim  and  Ladak  a similar  form  of  government  obtains,  with 
only  slight  differences,  due  to  continued  intercourse  with  or  subjection 
by  people  of  different  origin.* 

Industrial  organization. — In  all  parts  of  Tibet,  whether  among  the 
pastoral  tribes  or  in  the  towns  and  villages,  the  women  not  only  do  most 
of  the  household  work,  but  they  attend  to  much  of  the  bartering,  make 
the  butter,  assist  in  milking  the  cows  and  looking  after  the  flocks  and  go 
on  the  ula.  The  men,  aided  by  the  women,  work  in  the  fields,  or  go  on 
distant  journeys,  hiring  out  their  yaks  or  mules  to  carry  freight,  or 
hiring  themselves  out  as  mule  or  yak  drivers  to  merchants  or  to  some 
neighboring  lamasery.  Those  who  remain  in  their  town  or  village  some- 
times follow  a trade  which  occupies  them  during  a small  portion  of  their 
time.  Some  are  smiths,  working  silver,  copper,  or  iron,  and.  when  needs 
be,  becoming  carpenters,  gunsmiths,  or  locksmiths;  others,  again, occupy 
themselves,  when  industriously  inclined,  twistiug  yarn,  weaving  garters, 
or  making  felt.  In  the  towns  nearly  all  shops  are  kept  by  women. 

Although  the  division  of  labor  between  the  sexes  is  very  unequal, 
much  the  greater  part  devolving  upon  the  women,  the  position  of  that 
sex  is  not  affected  injuriously  thereby.  The  wife’s  opinion  is  always 
asked  in  household  matters  and  in  questions  of  trade,  and  her  author- 
ity in  the  house  is  supreme.  She  joins  with  the  men  in  all  discussions 
with  perfect  freedom  and  assurance,  and  in  nearly  every  walk  of  life 
she  is  held  to  be  on  a footing  of  perfect  equality  by  the  male  sex.  Thus 
Turner  (Embassy  to  the  Court  of  the  Teshoo  Lama,  p.  850)  says: 

Comparatively  with  their  northern  neighbors,  the  women  of  Tibet  enjoy  an  ele- 
vatedstation  in  society.  To  the  privileges  of  unbounded  liberty  the  wife  here  adds  the 
character  of  mistress  of  the  family  and  companion  of  her  husband.  The  company 
of  all.  indeed,  she  is  not  at  all  times  entitled  to  expect.  Different  pursuits,  either 
agricultural  employment  or  mercantile  speculations,  may  occasionally  cause  the 
temporary  absence  of  each ; yet  whatever  be  the  result,  the  profit  of  the  laborer 
flows  into  the  common  store,  and  when  he  returns,  whatever  may  have  been  his 
fortune,  he  is  secure  of  a grateful  welcome  to  a social  home. 

Father  Desgodins,  speakiug,  however,  more  especially  of  eastern 
Tibet,  says  (Le  Thibet,  p.  244) : 

It  is  not  amiss  to  give  here  a further  sketch  of  the  condition  of  women  in  Tibet, 
where  they  are  not  confined  to  their  homes  as  in  India  and  in  China.  Here  the  women 
go  about,  look  after  their  household  affairs,  or  trade  on  the  market  place,  work  in  the 
field,  spin  before  their  doors  while  gossiping  with  their  friends,  go  on  long  journeys — 

* See  J.  D.  Hooker,  Himalayan  Journals,  u,  p.  290  et  passim;  G.  T.  Vigne,  Travels  in 
Kashmir,  Ladak,  Iskardo,  II,  p.252  et  seq.;  W.  Moorcroft,  Travels  in  the  Himalayan 
Provinces  of  Hindoostan,  ii,  pp.  11, 15, 20,  42,  etc. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


683 


sometimes  on  foot,  at  others  on  horseback.  In  this  respect  the  Tibetan  woman  is 
very  free,  but  she  is,  nevertheless,  the  slave,  the  drudge  of  one  or  more  husbands; 
she  is  bought  like  any  other  goods  without  asking  her  consent.  In  this  way  she,  by 
right,  becomes  a kind  of  household  chief,  but  she  has  to  submit  herself  to  all  the 
■wishes,  the  caprices,  the  brutal  passions  of  her  husbands.  * * * In  all  heathen 

countries  the  woman  is  looked  down  upon  as  au  inferior  creature  to  man.  The 
Tibetans  have  even  a word  to  designate  her  by,  which  may  be  translated  by  “low 
creature.”* 

Father  Hue  (Souveuirs  d’un  voyage  dans  la  Tartarie  et  le  Thibet,  11, 
p.  260)  looks  at  the  subject  in  a different  light. 

One  thing  which  tends  to  make  me  believe  that  in  Tibet  there  is  possibly  less 
depravity  than  in  certain  other  heathen  countries,  is  the  great  freedom  enjoyed  by 
the  women.  Instead  of  vegetating  imprisoned  in  their  homes,  they  lead  a laborious 
life  full  of  activity.  Besides  having  the  care  of  their  households,  they  monopolize 
all  the  small  commerce  of  the  country.  They  peddle  goods  here  and  there,  spread 
them  out  in  the  streets,  and  keep  nearly  all  the  retail  shops.  In  the  country  they 
also  take  a large  share  in  all  family  pursuits. 

Chinese  authors  have  found  the  cause  of  this  superior  position  of 
Tibetan  woman  over  those  of  most  other  Asiatic  countries  in  their 
superior  physique  (Journ.  Boy.  Asiat.  Soc.,  n.  s.,  xxm,  p.  230,  also 
Land  of  the  Lamas,  p.  211),  but  it  is  probably  in  part  due  to  Buddhism, 
and  still  more  to  polyandry.  The  former  by  admitting  women  into  the 
sanglia  raised  them  materially  in  the  social  scale;  the  latter  by  the 
important  role  it  makes  them  play  in  the  family  life  has  had  the  same 
effect.t 

Inheritance. — Property  is  inherited  by  the  sous  or  brothers  of  the 
deceased.  The  daughters  or  wife  get  nothing.  It  is  common,  if  not 
usual,  for  a wife,  on  the  decease  of  her  husband,  to  shave  her  head  and 
become  a nun  or  ani.  This  custom  is  also  found  among  the  Mongols. 

According  to  Chinese  authors  (but  I have  been  unable  to  corroborate 
their  statements),  none  of  the  personal  property  of  a deceased  person 
is  inherited  by  his  relatives. 

One-balf  of  the  property  of  the  deceased  is  given  away  in  charities  and  the  other 
half  is  sent  to  the  Lamas,  who  are  invited  to  read  the  sacred  books  to  his  intent  and 
entertained  while  so  doing.  It  follows  that  all  the  (personal)  property  of  the 
deceased  is  disposed  of,  the  parents,  children,  husband,  or  wife  retaining  no  part  of 
it  whatever.  (Journ.  Roy.  Asiat.  Soc.,  n.  s.,  xxm,  p.  232.) 

The  real  estate  remains,  however,  in  the  family,  and,  consisting 
usually  of  a large  house  and  some  very  small  and  not  by  any  means 
fertile  fields,  not  sufficient  to  support  several  families,  it  is  usual  to 
keep  the  estate  undivided;  all  the  children  of  the  deceased  live  in  the 
house  of  their  parent,  the  sons  only  taking  one  wife  to  themselves- 

*Sman-ba  (pronounced  mania).  This  inferiority  is  not  very  noticeable  among 
pastoral  or  nomadic  tribes. 

IJaeschke,  Tib.  Engl.  Diet.,  s.  v.  spun,  says:  “Several  neighbors  or  inhabitants 
of  a village,  who  have  a common  Ih’a  and  thus  become  rus-pa-gchiy-chig,  ‘ members  of 
the  same  family,’  are  called  spun  or  brothers.  This  common  tie  entails  on  them  the 
duty,  whenever  a death  takes  place  in  their  number,  of  caring  for  the  cremation  of 
the  dead  body.” 


684 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


(Laud  of  the  Lamas,  p.  211.)  Among  the  pastoral  tribes,  the  sons 
divide  the  flocks  and  herds  of  their  deceased  father,  after  deducting  a 
considerable  portion  for  presents  to  the  clergy,  but  amoug  them,  as  in 
the  more  civilized  regions  of  the  country,  the  widow  does  not  inherit; 
she  goes  back  to  her  family,  or,  if  she  has  children,  becomes  depend- 
ent on  them,  or  else  she  becomes  an  ani. 

IV. 

DRESS  AND  PERSONAL  ADORNMENT. 

The  earliest  description  I have  met  with  of  a Tibetan  tribe,  the 
T'ang-hsiang  previously  referred  to,  is  in  the  Annals  of  the  T’aug 
dynasty  of  China  (A.  D.  618-907).  It  is  said  of  them : “ Men  and  women 
wear  long  skin  gowns,  or  gowns  of  coarse  woolen  stuff  with  a rough 
surface”  (Land  of  the  Lamas,  p.  338).  Of  the  Tukuliuu,  who  inhabited 
the  Kokonor,  and  were  possibly  of  Tibetan  stock,  we  read  in  the 
Annals  of  the  Sui  dynasty  (A.  D.,  581-618)  that  their  women  “ did  up 
their  hair  in  plaits,  on  which  they  sewed  beads  and  cowrie  shells ; they 
wore  long  gowns  and  the  men  wore  broad-brimmed  hats.”  ( Op . sup. 
cit .,  p.  336). 

Friar  Odoric,  who  visited  Tibet  in  the  early  part  of  the  fourteenth 
century  remarked  that  “the  women  have  their  hair  plaited  in  more 
than  one  hundred  tresses”  (H.  Yule,  Cathay  and  the  way  thither, 
i,  p.  150),  and  since  that  time  the  fashion  of  dressing  and  wearing  the 
hair  has  not  materially  altered  in  the  wilder  parts  of  the  country, 
although  under  Chinese  and  Indian  influences  the  fashion  has  been 
slightly  changed  in  parts  of  the  country  adjacent  to  those  inhabited  by 
people  of  these  two  races. 

The  national  dress  of  both  sexes  consists  in  a very  full,  high  col- 
lared, large,  and  long-sleeved  gown  called  ch'uba  (a  word  of  Turkish  ori- 
gin). This  gown  is  of  sheepskin  in  winter,  of  native  cloth  ( truk  or  ta)* 
in  summer.  It  is  tied  tightly  around  the  waist  with  a woolen  girdle  so 
as  to  make  it  very  baggy  about  the  waist,  and  it  reaches  down  to  about 
the  knee  when  worn  by  men  and  to  the  ankle  when  worn  by  women. 
In  a large  part  of  the  country  this  is  the  only  garment  worn.  The  col- 
lar and  cuffs  and  hem  are  sometimes  faced  with  black  velvet  or  red  or 
blue  cloth,  or  striped  truk,  or  with  otter  or  leopard  skin.  Buttons  are 
not  usually  used,  although  those  of  Chinese  make  or  army  buttons 
obtained  from  India  are  much  sought  after,  and  small  silver  coins  (half 
rupees  generally)  are  frequently  made  into  buttons,  but  more  on 
account  of  them  being  ornamental  than  for  any  use  they  are  put  to. 

The  cut  of  the  ch'uba  and  the  way  of  wearing  it  differ  in  various 
parts  of  the  country;  the  pastoral  Tibetans  wear  it  much  shorter  than 
those  living  in  towns  and  villages,  and  who  do  not  pass  much  of  their 
time  riding  or  climbing.  So  likewise  the  trimming  of  the  cuffs  and 
sleeves  differs  according  to  the  tribe. 


* See  for  a description  of  these  native  cloths,  p.  699. 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Roc  kh  i 1 1 . 


Plate  1. 


Girl’s  Ch’uba  of  Striped  Truk,  trimmed  with  otter  fur. 

Cat.  No.  131209,  U.  S.  N.  M. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


685 


In  the  ease  of  the  summer  cloth  ch'uba , the  favorite  color  for  men  when 
it  is  made  of  trulc  is  purple.  The  color  of  the  ch'uba  Avoru  by  women  is 
blue,  or  striped  throughout  eastern  Tibet.  Ta  (or  lawa)  is  an  undyed 
woolen  stuff  usually  of  coarser  texture  than  the  truk.  One  ch'uba  in  the 
collection  (No.  107195)*  is  of  tine  purple  truk  trimmed  with  leopard  skin. 
Another  is  of  undyed  ta,  made  at  Draya,  the  collar  faced  with  striped 
truk  (No.  1G719G).*  In  this  section  of  country  the  people  do  not  usually 
wear  sheepskin  chu'bas,  aud  a gown  of  undyed  ta  is  commonly  worn 
over  an  inner  one  of  purple  or  blue  truk.  The  length  of  the  ch'uba 
shown  in  pi.  1 is  5 feet  5 inches ; this  is  the  average  length  of  all  such 
garments,  which  have  no  particular  tit,  or  rather  v'hicli  fit  any  wearer. 

The  sheepskin  ch'uba  (No.  167194)  *,  such  as  is  worn  by  the  Tibetans  of 
the  Kokonor,  is  also  found  in  eastern  Tibet.  The  collar  and  cuffs  are 
faced  with  red  cloth  and  otter  skin,  and  the  hem  with  black  velvet 
stitched  with  silks  of  different  colors.  This  gown  is  a \Tery  handsome 
one  of  the  kind. 

Another  ch'uba  in  the  collection  (No.  1310G2)  * is  of  red  truk  lined  with 
sheepskin.  Such  gowns  are  usually  worn  by  lamas,  but  many  laymen 
also  wear  red  clothes,  the  color  being  a favorite  one  in  Tibet  and  Mon- 
golia. 

In  pi.  1 is  shown  a ch'uba  for  a girl  of  12.  It  is  made  of  striped  truk, 
in  which  green,  red,  white,  and  blue  preponderate.  It  is  trimmed  on 
the  collar  and  cuffs  with  otter  skin. 

In  L’hasa  and  the  more  civilized  portions  of  Tibet  generally,  ch'ubas 
of  foreign  broadcloth  or  Chinese  gowns  ( ao-tsu  and  p'ao-tzu)  of  silk  or 
satin  are  frequently  worn  by  the  wealthy  of  both  sexes.  These  are  too 
well  known  to  require  description. 

Eain  coats  made  of  felt  and  cut  on  a pattern  similar  to  the  ch'uba, 
though  somewhat  shorter  (4  feet  8 inches)  on  account  of  the  stiffness  of 
the  material,  are  worn  in  the  Kokonor  district  and  in  some  other  por- 
tions of  northeastern  Tibet.  The  museum  collection  contains  one  of 
these  (No.  131050).*  A circular  cape  of  felt  is  worn  instead  of  this  in 
the  Horba  country.  It  is  especially  useful  on  horseback,  covering  not 
only  the  rider  but  the  horse  completely,  and  is  large  enough  to  enable 
the  wearer  to  wrap  himself  iii  it  and  sleep  well  protected  without  any 
other  covering.  I do  not  believe  that  similar  garments  are  Avorn  in 
central  or  western  Tibet.  Good  truk  is  waterproof,  and  light  ch'ubas 
are  often  carried  by  travelers  to  use  in  bad  weather. 

The  girdles  worn  are  usually  of  wo\ren  wool,  from  2 to  3 inches 
broad  and  6 or  7 feet  long.  The  patterns  vary  in  color,  but  little  in 
design,  which  is  always  a narrow  traArerse  stripe.  The  collection  con- 
tains one  of  red,  blue,  white,  brown,  and  yellow  wool  (No.  1G7291),* 
terminating  at  either  end  in  a fringe.  Another  girdle  is  of  red,  blue, 
green,  black,  and  white  avooI  (No.  167289).*  Very  frequently  a few  yards 
of  Chinese  silk  or  a piece  of  Chinese  blue  cotton  cloth  take  the  place 


Not  illustrated  in  tliispaper. 


686 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


of  the  home-made  girdle.  Other  specimens  in  the  collection,  such  as 
the  one  from  Jyade,  may  be  compared  with  this. 

A pair  of  boots  {Warn)  completes  with  the  eh’uba  the  costume  of  the 
wild  Tibetan.  Near  the  Chinese  border,  in  the  Kokonor,  these  boots 
are  of  cowhide  and  of  Chinese  make  and  pattern,  as  shown  in  pi.  2. 
Women  and  men  wear  the  same  kind  of  boot.  It  is  bound  tightly 
below  the  knee  with  a leather  thong  or  a long  garter  of  wool. 

In  localities  more  distant  from  China  the  national  boot  is  found.  It 
has  a sole  of  raw  yak  hide  which  laps  and  turns  up  around  the  sides, 
which  are  of  several  thicknesses  of  white  cotton  cloth  strongly  stitched 
together  with  a broad  seam  down  the  middle  of  the  top  to  the  turned- 
up  pointed  toe.  Sometimes,  in  men’s  boots,  the  upper  and  leg  is  of  red 
leather,  brought  to  Tibet  from  western  China,  the  best  coming  from  the 
Chien-ch’ang,  in  southwestern  Ssu-ch’uan.  The  legs  of  most  boots  are 
of  truk,  sometimes  of  one  color,  sometimes  of  pieces  of  different  and 
somewhat  gaudy  colors,  as  shown  in  pi.  2,  figs.  1 and  2.  The  leg  of  the 
boot  is  usually  lined  with  a very  coarse  woolen  stuff,  and  no  socks  are 
worn  on  the  feet.  The  garters  are  about  4i  feet  long  and  1 inch  broad, 
the  designs  usually  very  narrow  longitudinal  stripes.  Some  of  them 
are  beautifully  fine  and  show  great  taste  in  the  selection  of  the  colors. 
(See  pi.  13.) 

Among  lamas  the  legs  of  the  boots  are  invariably  red  and  the  uppers 
are  always  of  white  cotton  cloth.  Some  fine  boots  are  made  with  the 
upperstand  legs  of  red  leather,  or  the  legs  of  red  and  black  leather, 
as  in  fig.  4.  Another  very  handsome  pair  of  boots  in  the  collection 
(No.  167179  and  Diary  of  a Journey,  etc.,  p.  14,  fig.  5)*  is  worn  only  bt| 
high  lama  dignitaries  in  the  northeast  part  of  the  country  (Kokonor). 
This  boot  is  entirely  of  red  russian  leather,  and  the  seams  are  covered 
with  embroidery  in  different  colored  silks. 

In  Lh'asa  and  among  Tibetan  officials  in  the  more  civilized  portions 
of  the  country  generally  the  Chinese  official  velvet  or  satin  boot  is  fre- 
quently worn,  as  is  also  a boot  of  black  buckskin  of  Chinese  pattern,  as 
far  as  the  foot  and  sole  are  concerned,  but  with  a high  Tibetan  leg. 
This  latter  style  is  worn  with  a garter,  is  made  in  many  localities  by 
Chinese  artisans,  and  is  much  liked  by  the  natives.  (See  Diary  of  a 
Journey,  etc.,  p.  14,  fig.  6.) 

Trousers  are  occasionally  worn  by  the  men ; they  are  always  made 
like  those  worn  in  China,  and  are  of  either  sheepskin,  native  cloth,  or 
coarse  cotton,  rather  baggy,  and  reach  down  to  about  the  ankle,  where 
they  are  held  by  a garter.  The  boot  is  worn  over  them.  In  some  of 
the  more  civilized  portions  of  the  country  leggings  ( tao-ku ),  like  those 
used  by  Chinese,  are  also  worn  by’the  wealthy. 

Men»and  women  frequently  wear  a short  shirt  of  raw  silk  ( bure , in 
Tibetan),  reaching  to  above  the  waist  and  with  long  sleeves.  Among 
the  Kokonor  Tibetans  and  in  eastern  Tibet  it  is  made  with  a broad 


'Not  illustrated  in  this  paper. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  2. 


Fig. 1. 
Fig  2. 
Fig.  3. 
Fig.  4. 


Tibetan  Boot  and  Garter.  Truk  leg,  cotton  top,  yak  bide  sole. 
(Cat.  No.  131045,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Tibetan  Boot  and  Garter.  Truk  leg,  leather  top,  yak  hide  sole. 
(Cat.  No.  131045a,  C.  S.  N.  M.) 

Kokonor  Tibetan  Boot.  Chinese  manufacture.  Woolen  garter. 
(Cat.  No.  131072,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Tibetan  Boot  and  Garter.  Leather  leg  and  top;  yak  hide  sole. 
(Cat.  No.  167303.  U.  S.  N.  M.) 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  2. 


Tibetan  Boots  with  Garters. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


687 


collar  faced  with  red  cloth  and  edged  with  otter  fur.  The  style  of  shirt 
worn  at  Lh’asa  and  in  central  Tibet  generally  is  similar  to  the  above, 
except  that  the  collar  is  narrower.  Examples  of  these  shirts  are  in  the 
Museum  collection.  Bure  is  manufactured  in  Bhutan. 

In  central  and  western  Tibet  the  women  frequently  wear  over  their 
shoulders  a shawl  ( kailri ),  fastened  at  the  neck  with  a large  buckle  of 
gold  or  silver.  In  Ladak,  instead  of  this  shawl  a sheep  or  lambskin 
cape  is  worn. 

The  Tibetans  have  adopted  the  Chinese  waistcoat  or  kan-chien,  a . 
rather  close-fitting  garment  buttoning  at  the  neck  and  down  the  right 
side  under  the  arm,  with  no  sleeves,  and  large  armholes.  This  they 
make  of  native  cloth  ( trulc ) among  the  less  civilized  tribes,  and  in 
eastern  Tibet  it  is  nearly  invariably  of  the  striped  pattern.  It  is  worn 
next  to  the  skin  under  the  cli’uba.  The  Chinese  riding  jacket  (ma  kua- 
tzii),  with  short,  wide  sleeves  and  reaching  down  to  a little  above  the 
waist,  made  of  native  cloth  or  of  foreign  broadcloth,  is  also  often  worn 
in  central  Tibet  by  officials  and  soldiers. 

As  previously  stated,  the  ch’uba  is  the  garment  par  excellence  of  all 
Tibetans,  but  only  the  pastoral  tribes  have  strictly  adhered  to  it; 
elsewhere  the  women  more  especially  have  adopted  a modified  costume. 
Thus,  in  parts  of  eastern  Tibet,  Bat’ang,  for  instance,  over  the  diubas , 
usually  made  of  native  cloth,  but  sometimes  of  blue  cotton,  they  wear 
a kind  of  box-plaited  petticoat  reaching  to  the  ankle  and  made  of  striped 
truk,  or  else  an  apron  which  nearly  meets  in  the  back.  Others,  as  in 
Cliala,  wear  a long  sleeveless  gown  over  the  cloth  cli’uba,  the  two  bound 
around  the  waist  by  a sash. 

In  central  Tibet  the  costume  of  the  women  of  wealth  is  most  elabo- 
rate, frequently  of  brocaded  silk  or  satin,  but  the  general  style  of  dress 
is  essentially  the  same,  one  or  perhaps  two  long  gowns,  a shirt,  and 
possibly  a kan-cliien.  The  boots  of  men  and  women  are  the  same, 
though  wealthy  women  also  frequently  wear  Chinese  velvet  boots. 

The  men  of  Liulak  wear  a cloak  ( La-pa-slia ) of  woolen,  thick  and  warm.  It  is 
usually  white,  or  rather  it  has  once  been  white;  for  as  the  people  only  wash  them- 
selves once  a year,  and  never  wash  their  clothes,  their  cloaks  are  always  of  a dirty 
hue.  Round  their  legs,  from  knee  to  ankle,  they  have  coarse  woolen  leggings  ( rkang 
phying)  of  felt,  fitting  tightly,  or  else  wrapped  close  round  the  leg  and  secured  by  a 
garter  ( rkang-gdub ),  which  is  wound  spirally  round  the  leg  from  the  ankle  upward. 
The  garter  is  generally  black,  but  sometimes  red.  On  their  heads  they  wear  either 
quilted  skull  caps,  as  filthy  as  their  cloaks,  or  capes  of  sheepskin  with  the  wool 
inside,  and  with  a large  flap  behind,  which  covers  the  back  of  the  neck  as  well  as 
the  ears.  Those  in  better  circumstances  have  fur  caps  of  the  same  shape.  Their 
boots  are  of  felt,  with  soles  of  sheep  or  goatskin,  which  are  turned  up  all  round 
and  sewn  to  the  felt.  The  upper  part  of  the  felt  boot  is  open  to  the  front  and  is 
allowed  to  fall  over,  something  in  the  manner  of  the  boots  worn  in  England  in 
Charles  II’s  time.  (Alex.  Cunningham,  Ladak,  p.  303.) 

In  Ladak  the  women  wear  a black  woolen  jacket  with  a large  striped  woolen 
petticoat  of  many  colors,  generally  green,  blue,  red,  and  yellow,  reaching  below  the 
mid  leg.  Over  all  they  wear  a sheepskin  with  the  wool  inside,  secured,  or  rather 
skewered,  in  front  by  a large  iron  or  brass  needle.  The  poorest  classes  have  the  out- 
side of  the  skin  plain,  but  those  in  better  circumstances  cover  it  with  coarse  woolen 


688 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


baize,  either  red,  blue,  green,  or  yellow,  with  a broad  border  always  of  a different 
color.  The  upper  classes  cover  this  sheepskin  cloak  either  with  brocade  or  with 
silk.  (Cunningham,  Joe.  sup.  cit.) 

In  Bhutan  the  dress  is  a loose  woolen  coat  reaching  to  the  knees,  bound  round  the 
waist  by  a thick  fold  of  cotton  cloth.  The  full  front  of  the  coat  is  used  as  a pocket, 
and  is  well  stored  with  betelnut,  prepared  chunam,  etc.  The  women’s  dress  is,  like 
that  of  the  Sikkimese,  a long  cloak  with  loose  sleeves.  Their  chief  ornaments  are 
amber  beads,  corals  with  those  who  can  afford  them,  and  large  pins.  (Ashley  Eden, 
Report  on  the  State  of  Bootan,  pp.  129, 130.) 

Hats. — Among  tlie  Kokonor  Tibetans,  on  account  of  the  custom  pre- 
vailing among  the  men  of  shaving  all  the  hair  off  the  head,  some  head 
cover  is  invariably  worn.  A low-pointed  cap  of  green,  red,  or  blue 
cloth  or  cotton  and  faced  with  lambskin  is  the  most  common  head  cover 
woru  by  men  and  women  (pi.  3).  This  cap  is  also  woru  by  the  Mon- 
gols in  this  region,  but  the  latter  usually  add  to  it  a red  tassel  or  fringe 
fixed  to  the  apex  and  hanging  all  over  the  crown.* 

In  winter  the  men  wear  a pointed  cap  of  felt,  sometimes  covered  with 
blue  or  red  silk,  with  ear  flaps,  a large  flap  behind  and  oue  in  front, 
which  is  frequently  worn  slightly  inclined  forward  so  as  to  make  a 
visor.  These  flaps  are  covered  with  fox  skin  (pi.  4).  The  women  and 
girls  of  all  ages  wear,  winter  and  summer,  the  low-pointed  cap  described 
above,  though  many  always  go  bareheaded.  Some  of  the  wealthy  ones 
wear  a round  cap  wadded  or  made  of  felt  and  covered  with  silk,,  with  a 
wide  turned  up  brim  faced  with  fur,  fox,  or  sable.  It  is  copied  on  the 
Mongol  hat  for  women,  worn  alike  among  the  eastern  as  well  as  the 
western  tribes  of  that  race. 

The  above  are  the  hats  peculiar  to  the  Kokonor  Tibetans,  add  the  one 
shown  in  pi.  3,  fig.  2 appears,  from  Chinese  works,  to  have  been  worn 
by  them  as  early  as  the  eighth  century  of  our  era.  But  besides  these 
national  ones,  the  Chinese  felt  hat  is  frequently  worn  by  them,  usually 
dark  brown  or  black,  with  a brocaded  band  around  the  turned-up  brim. 
This  hat,  which  is  very  popular  throughout  Tibet,  is  worn  by  both  men 
and  women.  A turban  made  of  a piece  of  rather  coarse  raw  silk  dyed 
purple,  about  ten  feet  long  and  a foot  broad,  is  also  frequently  worn  by 
the  men  among  the  Kokonor  Tibetans  and  in  all  other  parts  of  the 
country. 

In  those  sections  of  Tibet  where  the  men  never  trim  their  hair,  and 
where  it  forms  a thick  and  tangled  mass  falling  over  the  shoulders, 
only  cut  in  a fringe  just  over  the  eyes,  the  poorer  people  either  wear 
no  head  cover  at  all  or  only  a piece  of  cloth  or  sheepskin  arranged  so 
as  to  come  down  over  the  ears.  This  rude  head  cover  has  no  top  to  the 
crown ; the  tangled  hair  under  it  is  a sufficient  protection  against  the 
weather.  A summer  hat  of  a peculiar  form  is,  however,  worn  in  eastern 

* According  to  a Chinese  work  entitled  Hsi-Tsang  fa,  p.  2,  these  Kokonor  Tibetans 
are  descended  from  Turkish  tribes  which  used  to  live  in  the  Altai  Mountains,  and 
who  at  that  time  wore  conical  iron  helmets  shaped  like  the  caps  these  Tibetans  now 


wear. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  3. 


Fig.  1.  Mongol  Fur  Cat.  Wadded;  covered  with  purple  satin,  trimmed  with  sable, 
red  ribbons. 

‘Cat  No  131182,  U S.  N.  M.) 


Fig.  2.  Kokonou  Tibetan  Cap.  Red  cotton;  green  rim,  faced  with  lamb-skin. 
(Cat  No.  131186,  U.  S.  N.  II.) 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockhill 


Plate  3. 


Tibetan  and  Mongol  Caps. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  4. 


Fij;;.  1.  Tibetan'  Winter  Cap.  Felt;  covered  with  green  cloth,  trimmed  with 
fox-skin. 

(Cat.  No.  167193,  U.  S.  N.  11.) 

Fig.  2.  Kokonor  Tibetan  Winter  Cap.  Felt;  covered  with  blue  satin,  trimmed 
with  fox-skin. 

(Cat.  No.  167189,  U.  S.  N.  11.) 

Fig.  3.  Summer  Hat  of  Ts’aidam  Mongols.  Felt:  rim  faced  with  red  cloth. 

(Cat.  No.  167191.  U.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  4.  Summer  Hat  of  Tibetans.  Straw;  covered  with  cotton  cloth ; rim  faced 
with  red. 


(Cat.  No.  167132,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 


Report  of  Nationa1  Museum,  1 893.—  Rockhill. 


Plate  4. 


Tibetan  Caps  and  Hats 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


689 


and  northern  Tibet,  and  also  by  the  Mongols  of  the  Ts’aidam.  That 
worn  by  the  Mongols  of  the  Ts’aidam  (pi.  4,  fig  3)  is  of  felt,  the  crown  a 
truncated  cone  about  8 inches  high  with  a flat  top  and  about  44  inches 
in  diameter  where  it  joins  the  brim,  which  is  some  15  inches  in  diame- 
ter. The  brim  is  usually  faced  with  red  or  blue  cotton,  and  a string, 
with  a slipknot  drawn  tight  under  the  chin,  holds  it  on  the  head.  The 
summer  hat  worn  in  Tibet,  and  called  sham  or  cliyar  dja , is  higher  and 
heavier.  The  crown  and  brim  are  made  of  blades  of  coarse  grass  bound 
together  with  woolen  thread;  over  this  is  sewn  white  cotton.  The 
inside  of  the  brim  is  faced  with  red  cloth.  A band  of  felt  about  an  inch 
broad  projects  from  the  base  of  the  crown,  and  the  head  tits  in  it.  It 
is  held  on  the  head  by  a throatlatcli,  on  which  slides  a bead  as  seen  in  fig. 
4.  The  specimen  in  the  Museum  is  an  exceptionally  tine  shara,  made  in 
Mamru  de.near  the  Tengri  nor.  The  inhabitants  of  this  district  are  noted 
for  the  quality  of  the  summer  hats  they  manufacture.  This  hat  is  not, 
as  far  as  I am  aware,  used  in  central  or  western  Tibet,  but  I have  seen 
it  in  common  use  among  the  K’amba  of  eastern  Tibet.  (Land  of  the 
Lamas,  pp.  182,  256.) 

The  common  fur-trimmed  cap  with  a large  flap  behind  and  broad  ear 
pieces,  in  general  use  in  northern  China  and  Mongolia  (pi.  3,  fig.  1),  is 
manufactured  in  Peking  for  the  trade;  it  is  also  in  common  use  in  Tibet. 
The  Tibetan  form  is  shown  in  pi.  4,  fig.  1.  In  Lit’ang  the  men  wear  in 
summer  a circular  piece  of  white  cotton  cloth  ornamented  on  the  top 
with  a blue-cloth  disk,  the  center  of  which  is  red.  A drawing  string 
fixed  in  the  lining  enables  them  to  fasten  it  on  their  heads,  and  their 
heavy  queues  are  twisted  around  it.  (Laud  of  the  Lamas,  p.  243.) 

George  Bogle,  who  visited  Shigatse,  in  Ulterior  Tibet,  in  1774,  thus 
describes  the  dress  of  the  people  of  that  country: 

The  servants  and  peasants  wear  horizontal  caps  made  of  locks  of  sheeps’  wool, 
dyed  yellow.  They  are  like  the  Scotch  bonnets,  but  much  larger.  I never  saw  one 
above  3 feet  in  diameter.  The  women  in  the  winter  time  cover  their  heads  with 
small,  rough  caps  of  the  same  materials.  Sometimes  they  dye  them  a deep  blood-red. 
* * * The  higher  laymen  wear  tunics  of  satin,  brocaded  or  plain,  lined  with  sheep 

and  lamb  skin  or  Siberian  furs,  a round  cap  faced  with  fur  and  crowned  with  a 
silk  tassel,  and  Bulgar-hide  boots.  Red  broadcloth  tunics  are  also  far  from  uncom- 
mon. The  women  wear  a jacket  and  petticoat,  reaching  a little  below  the  knee,  of 
coarse  blanket,  or  serge,  striped  or  plain,  or  of  Chinese  satin,  according  to  their  con- 
dition; Tatar  stockings,  soled  with  leather  and  gartered  under  the  knee.  When 
dressed,  they  have  a piece  of  cloth  thrown  eloak-hke  over  their  shoulders.  All  ranks 
of  them  are  at  great  pains  in  adorning  their  heads,  plaiting  their  hair  neatly  enough 
with  coral  and  amber  beads,  bugles,  or  pearls.  They  wear,  also,  necklaces  of  them, 
where  the  pieces  of  amber  are  sometimes  as  large  as  a hen's  egg.  The  quantity  of 
the  two  first  kinds  of  beads  that  is  on  the  head,  even  of  a peasant's  wife  or  daughter, 
is  amazing.  The  last  two  sorts  fall  to  the  share  only  of  the  ladies.  (C.  R.  Markham, 
Narrative  of  the  Mission  of  George  Bogle,  etc.,  p.  120.) 

Before  passing  to  a description  of  tlie  ornaments  worn  by  Tibetans, 
it  is  necessary  to  describe  tbe  mode  of  wearing  the  hair,  as  most  of  the 
ornaments  worn  by  the  women  are  attached  to  their  hair. 

H.  Mis.  184,  pt.  2 44 


690 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


Among  the  men  tlie  head  is  either  entirely  shaved,  as  among  the 
Panaka  of  the  Kokonor,  or  they  follow,  in  central  and  parts  of  eastern 
Tibet,  the  Chinese  fashion  of  shaving  all  the  hair  except  on  the  crown, 
and  doing  that  up  into  a queue,  or  else  the  hair  is  allowed  to  hang 
down  naturally  over  the  shoulders  and  is  trimmed  over  the  eyes,  as 
among  the  Drupas.  Among  these  latter  a concession  is  usually  made 
to  Chinese  ideas,  and  while  wearing  the  hair  in  the  last-mentioned  way, 
a portion  of  it  is  plaited  into  a queue,  or  a queue  of  false  hair  is  fastened 
onto  the  shaggy  mop  of  natural  hair  and  falls  down  to  the  ground.* 

Among  the  women  the  national  mode  of  arranging  the  hair,  a mode 
which  in  slightly  modified  forms  is  found  from  Ladak  to  the  Kokonor, 
is  to  make  innumerable  little  plaits  falling  from  the  crown  of  the  head 
down  over  the  shoulders  and  reaching  to  the  waist.  (See  Diary  of  a 
Journey,  etc.,  p.  2G6.)  In  some  parts  of  the  country,  as  in  Bat’ang, 
Chain  (Ta-chien-lu),  etc.,  the  hair  is  worn  in  one  big  plait  hanging 
down  the  back,  while  in  central  Tibet  (Llfasa,  Shigatse,  etc.)  it  is  done 
up  in  two  or  three  large  plaits,  worn  either  hanging  down  in  front 
or  more  usually  twisted  around  the  head.  In  certain  parts  of  Jyade 
a combination  of  the  national  headdress  and  the  Chinese  queue  is 
the  style  adopted.  The  mode  of  dressing  the  hair  does  not  vary  in 
the  same  locality  among  the  unmarried  and  married  women,  though  the 
ornaments  do,  the  married  ones  wearing  many  more,  but  among  the 
males  it  is  customary  to  keep  boys’  heads  completely  shaved  till  they 
are  nearly  nubile. 

Though  the  men  among  the  pastoral  Tibetans  take  absolutely  no 
care  of  their  hair,  beyond  rubbing  occasionally  a little  butter  on  the 
scalp,  by  which  means,  they  say,  they  keep  out  vermin  and  the  skin  is 
made  healthier,  the  women  devote  much  time  to  rearranging  cheir  fre- 
quently elaborate  headdress,  combing  the  hair  (they  use  the  coarse 
heavy  wooden  Chinese  combs)  and  in  plaiting  it  once  or  more  a week. 

The  only  Tibetan  men  who  wear  ornaments  on  their  hair  are  to.  be 
found  among  the  pastoral  tribes,  where  a large  queue,  usually  of  false 
hair,  is  worn  in  addition  to  their  full  suit  of  tangled  locks.  On  this 
queue,  which  terminates  in  a tassel  of  black  silk  and  frequently  reaches 
to  the  ground,  they  either  string  finger  rings  (pi.  5,  tigs.  10  and  11)  and 
rings  of  ivory,  or  they  sew  on  a narrow  strip  of  red  cloth  big  pieces  of 
turquoise  and  small  charm  boxes,  similar  in  shape  and  size  to  fig.  12. 
This  band  is  fastened  on  the  queue  at  about  the  height  of  the  shoulders 
and  reaches  to  the  waist  or  lower.  The  queue  is  usually  worn  wound 
around  the  head,  and  the  ornaments  on  it  form  a crown,  the  big  ivory 
ring  being  always  in  front. 

An  earring  is  worn  in  the  left  ear  by  the  men  in  most  parts  of  Tibet. 
In  the  Kokonor  it  is  a large  gold  or  silver  hoop  about  2 inches  in  diam 

*E.  H.  Parker,  China  Review,  xvm,  p.  57,  says:  “Long  before  the  Mongols  existed 
as  a State  the  Niichen  Tartars  were  called  pien-fa-cho  (‘queue  wearers’)  by  the 
Chinese,  and,  like  their  kinsmen,  the  Manehus,  they  made  the  Chinese  they  conquered 
shave  their  heads.” 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  5 . 


Fig.  1.  Pair  of  Gilt  Chatelaines.  Large  turquoise  iu  center. 

(Cat.  No.  131180,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  2.  Gold  Shirt  Buckle.  Turquoise  around  coral,  representing  butterflies. 
Lb’asa. 

(Cat.  No.  13139!),  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  3.  Silver  Shirt  Buckle.  Coral  center;  design,  butterflies.  KauzG 
(Cat,  No.  131179a,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  4.  Shirt  Button.  Coral  beads  mounted  in  silver.  Ta-chien-lu. 

(Cat.  No.  131180,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  5.  Silver  Shirt  Buckle.  Center  of  coral ; body  in  turquoise.  Ta-chieu-lu. 
(Cat.  No.  131179b,  U.  S.  N .11.) 

Figs.  6-1 L.  Silver  Rings.  Coral  and  turquoise. 

(Cat.  Nos.  167277.  167280,  167278,  167279. 107281, 131677,  C.  S.  X.  M ) 

Fig.  12.  Gilt  Charm  Box.  Set  with  turquoise.  Nepalese  manufacture.  Lli’asa. 
(Cat,  No.  167241.  U.  S.  N.  II. I 

Fig.  13.  Plaque.  Center  of  silver,  border  of  coral  beads.  l'be  ornamentation 
represents  butterflies.  Iu  the  center  is  the  mystic  syllable  Oil,  Worn  in 
Cliala.  (Ta-chien-lu. ) 

(Cat.  No.  167242,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  14.  Silver  Stopper  of  Snuff  Bottle.  With  snuff  spoon.  Top  set  with 
coral  and  turquoise.  Ts’aidam. 

(Cat.  No.  167294,  U.  S.  N.  II.) 

Fig.  15.  Breast  Ornament.  Worn  by  Mongol  Women.  Copper  ornament  at  top 
set  with  turquoise  and  coral  beads. 

(Cat.  No.  167340,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 


Fig.  16.  Head  Plaque  of  Silver.  Set  with  coral  and  turquoise.  Hor  Chango. 
(Cat.  No.  167243,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  5. 


Rings,  Buckles,  and  other  ornaments. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  6. 


Ear  Rings  and  other  ornaments. 


Fig.  1.  Man’s  E ar  Ring.  Silver;  three  turquoises  set  ou  hoop.  Corul  hearts  at  base 
and  middle  of  pendant.  Lli’asu. 

(Cat.  No.  187282.  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  2.  M omen’s  Silver  Ear  Rings.  Flower  at  end  of  hoop.  Pendant  Fo  shun 
fruit.  Chiu  ch'uau. 

(Cat.  No.  131178,  C.  S.  N.  II.) 

Fig.  3.  Women’s  Silver  Ear  Rings.  Coral  bead  in  lower  part.  Bat’ang. 

(Cat.  No.  167283,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  4.  Man’s  Silver  Ear  Ring.  Coral  set  on  hoop.  Kokonor. 

(Cat.  No.  167281.  U.  S.  N.  II.) 


Fig.  5. 


Flu.  ti. 


Women’s  Silver  Ear  Rings.  Heart-shaped  plaque  studded  with  turquoises. 
Silver  hook  holds  up  ear-ring.  .lade  ring  ou  hoop;  also  horn  ring  to  keep 
the  former  in  place.  Ch'auido  and  Lh’asa. 

(Cat.  No.  167210,  C.  S.  N.  H.) 

Man’s  Ear  Ring.  Cornelian  and  two  turquoises  set  on  hoop.  Korluk 
Ts’aidam. 

(Cat  No  167212.  I'.  S.  N.  M.) 


Fit 


Silver  Toothpick,  Ear  Spoon,  and  Tweezers. 
(Cat.  No.  167272.  U.  S.  X M ) 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893.  — RocLhill. 


Plate  6 


Ear  Rings  and  other  ornaments. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


691 


eter  set  with  a coral  or  turquoise  bead.  (See  pi.  6,  figs.  4 and  6.) 
Although  made  in  Korluk  Ts’aidam,  the  latter  is  a Tibetan  earring  in 
shape  and  style.  Frequently  a little  strap  passes  over  the  ear  and 
takes  the  weight  of  the  earring  off  of  the  lobe  of  the  ear.  A small  disk 
of  leather  or  bone  fixed  on  the  hoop  presses  against  the  ear,  prevents 
the  earring  from  turning,  and  keeps  the  jewels  in  front,  which  would 
without  it  fall  to  below  the  ear  by  their  weight. 

Among  the  pastoral  tribes  of  central  Tibet  (Namru,  Jyade,  etc.)  the 
men,  while  sometimes  wearing  the  above-described  earring,  wear  also  a 
larger  one  consisting  of  a pendant  of  gold  or  silver  in  the  middle  of 
which  is  a large  coral  bead.  The  lower  part  is  a hoop,  on  which  is  fas 
tened  a circular  or  heart-shaped  plaque  set  with  turquoises.  (PI.  6, 
fig.  1.)  This  earring  is  about  3 inches  long.  A rough  piece  of  tur- 
quoise is  frequently  tied  to  the  right  ear,  without  any  setting  whatever. 
This  is  a favorite  ornament  all  over  Tibet,  even  among  the  wealthy 
people  in  the  most  civilized  parts  of  the  country. 

In  Lh’asa  and  other  parts  of  central  Tibet,  besides  the  hoop  pre- 
viously described,  officials  usually  wear  a plain  gold  hoop  to  which  is 
fixed  a pendant  about  3 inches  long,  in  the  middle  of  which  is  a large 
pearl;  m this  pendant  are  set  turquoises;  the  lower  end  is  enameled  a 
turquoise  blue.  (J.  D.  Hooker,  Himalayan  Journals,  ii,  p.  271,  and 
Diary  of  Journey,  etc.,  p.  23G.) 

Around  their  necks  most  Tibetans  wear  charm  boxes  [gawo)  of  wood, 
silver,  copper,  or  leather,  in  which  are  carried  charms  against  the  various 
accidents  which  may  overtake  them.  These  charms  are  usually  unin- 
telligible or  meaningless  Sanskrit  words  (see  Emil  Schlagintweit,  Bud- 
dhism in  Tibet,  pp.  174,  254,  etc.),  or  sometimes  a copy  of  a short  canon- 
ical work,  as,  for  example,  the  “Diamond  cutting  sutra”  ( Dorje  chod-pai 
do).  A bit  of  the  gown  of  a saintly  lama,  a little  of  the  tsamba  left 
over  from  his  meal  and  which  has  been  molded  into  a small  disk,  on 
which  is  impressed  the  image  of  a god  (on  one  in  the  Museum  the 
image  is  that  of  Tsongk’apa),  are  also  frequently  kept  in  these  gawo , 
together  with  painted  images  of  some  god  or  guardian  saint,  also  a 
piece  of  peacock’s  feather,  supposed  to  keep  off  moths. 

Some  of  these  gawo  are  very  elaborately  decorated.  In  the  Museum 
collection  is  an  oblong  silver  box  (No.  130391)*  44  inches  long  by  3 
inches  broad  and  14  inches  deep.  On  either  side  of  the  box  is  a silver 
tube,  through  which  the  cord  passes  by  which  the  box  is  worn  around 
the  neck  or  fastened  to  a broad  strap  passed  over  one  shoulder  and 
under  the  other  arm,  by  which  means  five  or  six  such  gawo  are  carried, 
as  is  frequently  the  case.  The  decoration  of  this  box  consists  in  ara- 
besques, Chinese  dragons,  and  the  “eight  signs  of  good  luck”  ( trashi 
tarjya). t This  gawo  was  made  at  Lh’asa,  but  shows  Chinese  influence 
in  its  style  of  decoration. 

* Not  illustrated  in  this  paper. 

t See  H.  A.  Oldtield,  Sketches  from  Nipal,  n,  p.  179. 


692 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


On  pi.  5,  lig.  12,  is  shown  a small  gilt  gaico  set  with  turquoises.  It  is 
inches  square.  This  gaico  is  also  of  Lh’asa  make,  but  is  distinctly 
Nepalese  in  its  filagree  style  of  ornamentation.  Other  gaicos  showing 
this  Nepalese  style  of  ornamentation  (the  best  silversmiths  in  Tibet  are 
Nepalese  and  Chinese)  are  shown  in  Dr.  J.  D.  Hooker’s  Himalayan 
Journals,  I,  pp.  176,  270.  A small  wooden  gaico  purchased  in  Mon- 
golia, containing  a gilt  terra-cotta  image  of  a tutelary  deity,  is  in  the 
Museum  collection.  It  is  probably  of  Tibetan  origin. 

The  other  ornaments  worn  by  the  men  of  Tibet  are  finger  rings,  which 
are  the  same  as  those  previously  referred  to  as  being  worn  on  the  queues, 
or  else  bands  of  chased  silver  in  which  are  set  turquoises  or  coral  beads 
(pi.  5,  figs.  G-ll).  The  women  frequently  wear  a smaller  gold  ring  set 
with  a.cluster  of  small  turquoises.  These  Tibetan  rings  are  found  among 
the  Mongols  of  the  Ts’aidam,  who  obtain  their  jewelry  from  passing 
Tibetan  travelers  or  when  visiting  Lh'asa  or  Trashilunpo  on  a pilgrim- 
age. Two  of  these  rings  shown  on  the  plate  mentioned  are  known  to 
the  Chinese  in  Tibet  as  the  “Tibetan  saddle  ring,”  on  account  of  their 
shape.  They  are  chiefiy  made  in  Derge,  in  eastern  Tibet  (Land  of  the 
Lamas,  pp.  202,  227). 

I have  seen  in  certain  portions  of  Tibet  (Miri,  near  Shobando,  for 
instance)  the  men  wearing  necklaces  of  coral  beads  and  a substance 
which  I believe  is  onyx,  and  which  is  called  by  them  se.  (Diary  of  a 
journey,  etc.,  p.  275.) 

Most  of  the  ornaments  worn  by  Tibetan  women  are  displayed  on 
their  hair.  Among  the  Panaka  of  the  Kokouor,  where,  as  previously 
explained,  the  women’s  hair  is  plaited  in  innumerable  little  braids  fall- 
ing from  the  crown  of  the  head  over  their  shoulders  and  back  like  a 
cloak,  they  have  three  broad  bands  of  red  satin  or  cloth  fastened  to 
the  hair.  On  these  are-  attached  embossed  silver  plates  or  cowrie 
shells,  pieces  of  cliank  shell,  and  large  pieces  of  red  agate  called  “Chi- 
nese cornelian”  ( Han  ma-nao)  by  Chinese  traders,  and  which  are  said  to 
be  brought  from  Liao  tung.  Besides  these  they  wear  turquoises,  coral, 
or  glass  beads.  Two  of  the  bands  begin  at  the  height  of  the  shoulders 
and  the  middle  one  at  the  waist;  all  of  them  reach  down  to  the  lower  hem 
of  the  gown.  The  same  kind  of  hoop  earring  as  previously  described 
is  worn  in  both  their  ears,  but  most  of  the  women  wear  none. 

Among  the  K'amba  of  eastern  Tibet  the  hair  of  the  women  is  dressed 
in  the  same  way  as  among  the  Panaka,  but  the  usual  ornaments  are 
discoidal  pieces  of  amber,  in  the  center  of  which  coral  beads  are  fre- 
quently set.  A number  of  these  disks  are  worn  on  the  crown  of  the 
head.  On  the  bands  of  cloth  which  depend  from  the  plaits  hangiug 
down  the  back  are  also  sewn  similar  amber  disks  or  silver  ornaments. 
(Land  of  the  Lamas,  p.  181.) 

In  portions  of  eastern  Tibet,  more  especially  the  Horba  country, 
Lit’aug  and  Cliala  (Ta-chien-lu),  the  married  women  wear  large  gold  or 
silver  plaques  on  their  heads,  sometimes  wearing  one  set  in  front  or  on 
the  back  of  the  head  (as  in  Horba  and  Chala),  sometimes  one  on  either 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockmll. 


Plate  7. 


| ' . • 

*'  HBIMMMm  . I 

A 

M 

Turquoises,  set  in  silver  and  sewed  on  the  queues  of  women  in  Mar  K’ams. 
Lower  extremity  turquoises  and  coral  beads. 

Cat.  No.  167275,  U.  S.  N.  M.  Gart  ok. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


o93 

side  of  tlie  head  and  meeting  over  the  crown,  as  in  Lit’ang.  Fig.  16  of 
pi.  5 is  a silver  one  set  with  torquoises  and  coral,  and  is  of  the  pattern 
worn  in  Hor  Chango  (Land  of  the  Lamas,  2G0),  In  tig.  13  of  pi.  5 is 
represented  the  kind  worn  in  Chala  where  such  ornaments  are  called 
melong,  pongyii  or  k’ok'or.  In  portions  of  western  Tibet,  where  they 
are  also  the  fashion,  they  are  known  as  chir-chir  {p'yir-p'yir). 

In  portions  of  the  country,  Mark’ams  and  the  adjacent  country,  for 
example,  where  the  women  wear  a long  queue  down  their  backs,  large 
pieces  of  turquoise  set  in  silver  are  worn  fastened  the  whole  length  of 
the  queue;  between  each  consecutive  piece  is  a small  coral  bead.  (PI.  7.) 

Turner  thus  describes  the  dress  of  a Lh’asan  lady  of  high  rank,  the 
mother  of  the  infant  Panch’en  rinpoeli’e  lama: 

Her  complexion  was  somewhat  darker  than  her  son’s.  She  had  regular  features, 
black  eyes,  and  a character  that  particularly  distinguishes  ladies  of  rank  in  Tibet, 
the  corners  of  the  eyelids  being  extended  as  far  as  possible,  by  artificial  means, 
toward  the  temples.  Her  hair  was  black,  but  scarcely  visible,  from  the  vast  pro- 
fusion of  ornaments  that  nearly  covered  it,  consisting  of  pearls,  rubies,  emeralds,  and 
coral.  Pearls,  intermixed  with  beads  of  gold,  and  some  relics,  constituted  the  orna- 
ments of  her  ears.  Chaplets  of  larger  gems  hung  round  her  neck,  among  which 
were  balas  rubies,*  lapis-lazuli,  amber,  and  coral  in  numerous  wreaths,  one  chaplet 
beneath  tho  other,  descending  to  the  waist.  Her  vest  was  close  buttoned  round 
the  neck.  A girdle  embraced  it  round  the  waist,  which  was  fastened  by  a golden 
buckle,  haviug  a large  ruby  in  the  center.  A garnet-colored  shawl,  wrought  with 
white  stars,  completed  her  dress,  which  descended  to  the  kuee.  She  wore  bulgar 
boots.  (Capt.  Sam.  Turner,  Embassy  to  the  Court  of  the  Teshoo  Lama,  p.  336.) 

Hue  (Souvenirs  d’un  Voyage,  n,  p.  257),  speaking  of  the  women  of 
Lli'asa,  says: 

The  Tibetan  women’s  dress  is  very  like  that  of  the  men.  Over  their  gowns  they 
wear  a short  jacket  of  many-colored  stuff.  They  divide  their  hair  in  two  plaits, 
which  they  let  fall  down  on  their  shoulders.  Women  of  low  class  wear  a little  yel- 
low cap,  resembling  somewhat  the  liberty  cap  which  used  to  be  worn  under  the 
French  Republic.  The  grandes  dames  only  ornament  their  heads  with  an  elegant 
and  graceful  crown  made  of  pearls. t 

The  fashion  in  earrings  among  women  varies  considerably  in  Tibet 
from  one  locality  or  district  to  another.  Besides  those  referred  to  on 
preceding  pages,  the  Museum’s  collections  contain  several  other  vari- 
eties. On  pi.  6,  fig.  5,  is  shown  a favorite  style  in  central  Tibet, 
Ch’amdo,  and  other  districts.  It  is  a large  silver  hoop  over  2 inches  iu 
diameter,  on  the  front  of  which  is  a heart  shaped  plate  thickly  set  with 
bits  of  turquoise.  A small  hook  is  attached  to  the  plate  and  to  the 
wearer’s  hair  so  as  to  take  the  weight  of  the  ring  off  the  ear.  The  pair 
in  the  Museum  was  worn  by  the  native  wife  of  a Chinese  soldier  sta- 
tioned near  Ch’amdo,  and  jade  rings,  such  as  are  worn  on  earrings  in 

* A balas  or  balass  ruby.  The  word  balas  is  a corruption  of  Balakhshi,  a popular 
form  of  Badakhslii,  because  these  rubies  came  from  tbc  famous  mines  on  the  upper 
Oxus,  in  one  of  tlie  districts  subject  to  Badakkskan.  See  H.  Yule,  Glossary  of  Anglo- 
Indian  Words,  p.  39. 

fFor  further  details,  see  Jotirn.  Roy.  Asiat.  Soc.,  n.  s.,  xxm,  pp.  121-133  and  pp. 
222-226,  where  I have  translated  all  that  is  to  be  found  in  Chinese  works  on  the 
subject.  Also  Dr.  L.  A.  Waddell,  The  Buddhism  of  Tibet,  p.  572. 


694  REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 

China,  especially  in  the  south,  have  been  added  to  these  by  the  Chinese 
husband. 

In  fig.  3 of  this  plate  is  shown  the  Bat’ang  style  of  earring,  also  worn 
in  all  Tibetan  localities  east  of  that  district.  It  approaches  more  the 
Chinese  style  of  earring  than  any  other  worn  by  Tibetans.  It  is  fre- 
quently made  of  gold,  but  is  invariably  of  the  form  here  shown.  The. 
jewel  in  the  lower  part  of  it  is  also  invariably  a red  coral  bead. 

The  silver  earrings  worn  by  the  women  of  the  Chin-ch’uan,  a border 
district  of  Ssu-ch’uan  inhabited  by  Tibetans,  are  shown  in  fig.  2.  They 
are  made  by  Chinese  silversmiths,  and  represent  the  peculiar  form  of 
citron  called  in  Chinese  Fo-shou , on  “Buddha's  hand.” 

The  shirts  described  previously  (p.  686)  are  buckled  at  the  throat 
in  eastern  Tibet,  when  worn  by  women,  with  gold  or  silver  buckles  set 
with  coral  beads  and  turquoises.  This  buckle  is  sewn  on  to  the  shirt. 
A very  fine  specimen  in  gold,  of  Xepalese  workmanship,  is  shown  in 
fig.  2 of  pi.  5.  It  was  made  in  Lh’asa  for  a wealthy  woman  of  Ta-chien-lu 
(Chala).  Figs.  3 and  5 of  pi.  5 are  of  silver  set  with  turquoises  and 
small  coral  beads.  The  design  is  in  one  case  butterflies,  in  the  other  an 
open  lotus  flower.  These  were  purchased  in  the  Horba  country  in 
eastern  Tibet. 

Two  small  buttons  of  coral  linked  together  by  a gold  or  silver  orna- 
ment are  also  much  used  in  eastern  Tibet  on  the  shirts  worn  by  women 
to  fasten  them  at  the  shoulder  and  take  the  place  of  buttons.  Fig.  4 in 
pi.  5 shows  one  of  these  linked  shirt  buttons. 

In  central  and  western  Tibet  the  shawl  (kadri)  worn  by  the  women 
is  held  together  in  front  by  a broad  breastpin  of  gold  or  silver,  called, 
I believe,  clmbpaiuj.  A picture  of  one  of  these  buckles  is  given  by 
Dr.  Hooker.  {Op.  cit.,  n,  p.  195.) 

Capt.  Gerard,  speaking  of  the  people  of  Spiti  in  the  extreme  western 
part  of  Tibet,  says: 

The  women  were  literally  almost  weighed  down  and  groaning  under  a load  of 
ornaments,  such  as  immense  anklets  and  bracelets  of  silver  or  pewter,  heavy  ear- 
rings, metal  chains  of  various  kinds,  heads  of  silver,  precious  stones,  colored  glass, 
and  cowrie  shells  strung  around  the  necks,  ankles,  and  arms,  and  attached  to  different 
parts  of  their  dress. 

The  Tartars  of  both  sexes  are  very  fond  of  ornaments,  and  they  wear  as  many  as 
they  can  afford  to  purchase,  some  laying  out  large  sums  upon  their  pipes,  knives, 
and  trinkets  of  all  sorts.  They  have  necklaces  upon  which  are  strung  large  irregular 
pieces  of  a yellow  substance  called  Poshel, * which  looks  like  amber,  and  when  rubbed 
attracts  feathers.  They  have  beads  of  coral  and  other  precious  stones  which  resemble 
rubies,  emeralds,  and  topazes,  and  have  tassels  of  red  beads  hanging  from  the  hack 
part  of  their  caps.  (Capt.  Alex.  Gerard,  Account  of  Koonawur,  Vol.  in.) 

Capt.  Alexander  Cunningham  (Ladak,  p.  304),  speaking  of  the  Ladaki 
women,  says: 

Their  heads  are  always  bare,  the  hair  being  arranged  in  a border  of  narrow  plaits, 
which  hang  round  the  head  like  a long  fringe.  From  the  forehead,  over  the  division 

*Spos-8hel  (pronounced  pii-shel)  is  the  Tibetan  word  for  amber.  It  means  literally 
“perfumed  crystal.” 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  8. 


Fig.  1.  Needle  Case.  Red  and  green  leather.  Brass  nails  along  lower  edge. 
Kokonor. 

(Cat.  No.  1G7157,  IT.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  2.  Needle  Case.  Red  leather.  Gold  lace.  Silk  tassels.  Upper  part  trimmed 
with  silver  thread.  Cliala. 

.Cat.  No.  131034,  T.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  3.  Needle  Case.  Red  leather.  Ring  pouch  of  red  leather.  Lit’ang. 

(Cat.  No.  167158.  U.  S.  N.  M.) 


Fig.  4.  Needle  Case.  Red  and  black  leather.  Derge. 

(Cat.  No.  167156.  U.  S.  N.  M.) 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockhi II. 


Plate  8 


Needle  Cases. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


695 


of  the  hair,  they  all  wear  a long  narrow  band,  of  cloth  studded  with  coarse  many- 
flawed  t urquoises,  which  hangs  down  behind  as  low  as  the  waist,  and  is  usually  linished 
off  with  a tassel  of  wool  or  a hunch  of  cowries.  The  ears  are  covered  with  semicircular 
woolen  lappets,  fastened  to  the  hair  and  edged  with  brown  or  black  fur,  generally 
of  the  otter  skin,  called  Kunduz.*  These  ear  flaps  are  always  red,  the  inside  being 
woolen,  and  the  outside  brocade.  These  are  made  coarse  or  fine  according  to  cir- 
cumstances, for  the  Ladaki  women  seem  to  pride  themselves  upon  the  style  and 
material  of  these  lappets  just  as  much  as  European  ladies  do  upon  the  fashion  of 
their  bonnets. 

These  “ ear  lappets,”  I may  acid,  are  commonly  worn  in  northern 
China,  where  they  are  known  as  erh  mao. 

Although  rosaries  ( treng-wa ) belong  properly  to  the  chapter  on  objects 
used  in  religious  worship  and  will  be  more  fully  described  in  that 
connection,  they  are  considered  by  all  Tibetans  as  not  only  indispensa- 
ble in  their  daily  devotions,  but  as  ornaments,  and  are  also  used  by 
many  as  a means  of  reckoning  sums.  (Land  of  the  Lamas,  p.  253.)  They 
are  worn  by  both  men  and  women  around  the  neck  or  on  the  wrist,  and 
have  invariably  108  beads.  Some  are  made  of  ivory,  others  of  seeds, 
of  wood,  of  bone,  of  coral,  turquoises,  crystal,  or  glass. 

Throughout  northern  and  eastern  Tibet  most  people  carry  a needlecase 
( kab-cho ),  suspended  to  a silver  or  brass  chatelaine  frequently  of 
elaborate  workmanship,  to  which  is  attached  a short  broad  leather 
strap,  through  which  the  belt  or  sash  passes.  (Land  of  the  Lamas,  p.  166 
and  pi.  11.)  A Chinese  chatelaine  (Xo.  167222)fisin  the  Museum  collec- 
tion. These  needlecases  are  usually  flat,  bell-shaped,  and  made  of  red 
leather.  The  interior  case  can  be  pulled  out  by  means  of  astrapor  tassel 
from  the  cover,  which  is  open  along  the  lower  edge  (pi.  8.)  Another  form 
of  needlecase,  manufactured  in  Derge,is  a narrow  iron  case  with  a sliding 
top  held  in  place  by  a spring,  and  is  often  highly  ornamented  (pi.  10). 

Another  article,  frequently  most  elaborately  ornamented  and  worn 
by  all  Tibetans  and  hanging  from  the  same  chatelaine  to  which  the 
needlecase  is  attached,  is  a tinder | and  flint  pouch  on  the  lower  edge 

* Probably  the  name  of  the  country  from  which  they  are  obtained. 

t Not  illustrated  iu  this  paper. 

t The  tinder  is  made  from  the  flowers  of  a small  plant  of  the  edelweiss  family.  It 
is  called  pai  pao-teii  in  Chinese.  Moorcroft  (Travels,  1,408)  thus  describes  the  prepa- 
ration of  tinder  in  Ladak 

“At  Undar  or  Shak-than  Ring-mo  (in  Ladakh)  I witnessed  the  preparation  of  a 
peculiar  kind  of  tinder.  A small  shrub,  not  above  an  inch  and  a half  high  when  in 
flower,  was  gathered  and  placed  on  the  bottom  of  a dry  iron  vessel  over  a fire.  As 
the  hairy  heads  expanded  they  were  plucked  off'  and  thrown  away.  The  jdants  were 
repeatedly  turned  over  to  prevent  their  being  burnt.  When  considered  sufficiently 
dry  the  pan  was  inverted,  andthe  leaves,  placed  on  its  blackened  undersurface,  were 
beaten  upon  it  with  a small  stick  until  well  impregnated  with  the  soot,  any  loose  dirt 
being  carefully  blown  off.  In  this  state  the  slightest  spark  was  sufficient  to  ignite  the 
preparation.  This  substance,  wrapped  up  in  a thin  roll  of  paper,  is  also  used  as 
moxa,  or  as  actual  cautery,  pieces  about  three-fourths  of  an  inch  thick  being  laid 
upon  the  skin  and  set  fire  to.  This  is  a favorite  application  for  pain  in  the  stomach.” 
I have  myself  seen  it  prepared  in  exactly  the  same  way  among  the  Panaka  of  the 
Kokonor  and  the  Ivainba  of  eastern  Tibet.  Insteadof  soot  they  mixed  a little  very  fine 
gunpowder  with  the  parched  and  crushed  plant. 


696 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


of  which  is  a steel.  These  are  called  me-chag  (written  me  Ichags)  and 
are  in  common  use  all  over  Tibet,  China,  and  Mongolia.  The  Chinese  style 
of  tinder  pouch  shown  in  Dr.  Hooker's  work  (Himalayan  Journals,  u, 
p.  219)  as  existing  in  Sikkim,  has  been  found  by  other  travelers  in 
Bhutan  and  even  among  the  Abors  and  Mishmis.  The  Tibetan  me-chag 
is  of  two  styles,  the  Derge  and  Pomiid  forms.  The  first  is  always 
decorated  with  silver  bosses,  coral,  and  turquoise  beads,  and  is  of 
either  red  cloth  or  leather,  (pi.  9,  fig.  2.)  The  Pomiid  kind,  as  shown 
in  the  specimen  m the  Museum  collection,  is  a beautiful  piece  of  work 
in  open  gold  and  silver,  in  which  are  set  3 large  beads,  2 of  coral, 
and  1 of  turquoise.  The  pouch  is  of  red  cloth,  and  is  54  inches  long 
and  2 h inches  broad.  An  embroidered  cloth  case  fits  over  it  to  protect 
it  from  the  weather  (pi.  9,  fig.  4)  In  pi.  9.  fig.  3,  and  another  specimen 
not  here  illustrated*  are  me-chag  of  Mongol  manufacture,  and  were  prob- 
ably made  in  eastern  Mongolia  among  the  Halhas.  though  the  former  is 
Tibetan  in  its  style  of  decoration. 

Another  ornament  sometimes  worn  in  eastern  Tibet  by  women  is 
shown  in  pi.  9,  tig.  1.  It  consists  of  a toothpick,  ear  spoon,  and  tweez- 
ers, the  latter,  however,  being  only  used  as  a toothpick.  It  is  attached 
to  the  gown  by  a ring  at  the  end  of  a silver  chain;  the  implements 
hang  by  a few  links  of  chain  to  a half  rupee  surrounded  by  silver  work, 
in  which  are  set  coral  and  turquoise  beads. 

A short  knife  is  carried  suspended  from  the  belt  of  all  Tibetans; 
with  it  they  cut  their  meat.  The  scabbard  in  some  cases  is  highly 
ornamented;  especially  is  this  the  case  with  knivesof  Derge  make  (pi.  10). 

A finely-ornamented  belt  with  knife,  needlecase,  and  strike-a  light, 
belonging  to  the  writer,  and  of  Derge  manufacture,  is  shown  in  pi.  10. 

The  knife  used  in  the  Kokouor  region  is  9jf  inches  long — the  blade, 
which  is  of  iron.  5£.  The  handle  is  of  horn,  and  iron  and  copper  wires 
are  inlet  into  it;  the  scabbard  is  of  iron.  These  knives  are  made  in  two  or 
three  localities  along  the  Kokonor  border  bjT  Chinese  blacksmiths.  The 
knives  from  Shaug-wu-cliuang  (about  20  miles  from  Hsi-niug  in  Kan-su) 
are  especially  prized,  as  are  also  the  swords  coming  from  the  same 
locality  (see  Diary  of  a Journey,  etc.,  p.  104).  The  products  of  tliis 
locality  are  recognizable  by  the  damascening  on  the  blades.  The  people 
in  this  locality  are  a mixed  Cliinese-Turkish  race,  and  this  industry  was 
probably  brought  here  from  Turkestan. 

In  the  more  civilized  portions  of  Tibet  the  Chinese  knife  and  chop- 
sticks are  frequently  used,  the  case  often  richly  ornamented  with 
embossed  silver,  the  handle  of  the  knife  and  the  ends  of  the  chopsticks 
being  also  covered  with  worked  silver  (pi.  11,  right-hand  figures). 

As  a general  rule  Tibetans  allow  no  hair  to  grow  on  their  faces,  but 
pluck  out  the  few  hairs  growing  on  them  as  they  appear  with  tweezers 
(chyamntser),  which  they  carry  suspended  around  their  neck  or  from  their 


Cat.  No.  131023  U.  S.  N.  M. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  9. 


Fig.  1 


Fig.  : 


Fig. 


Fig. 


. Silver  Toothpick,  Tweezer,  and  Ear  Spoon.  Attached  by  a silver  chain 
to  a half  rupee.  Upper  ornament,  butterfly  with  turquoise  body.  Cliala. 
(Cat.  Xo.  167272,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 

1.  Tinder  and  Flint  Pouch.  Red  cloth.  Silver  nails  around  the  edge. 
Three  coral  heads  in  the  ceuter.  Derge. 

(Cat.  Xo.  131024,  F.  S.  X.  M.) 

1.  Tinder  and  Flint  Pouch.  Russia  leather.  Ornamented  with  silver,  tur- 
quoises, and  coral.  Jade  cylinder  to  pass  through  belt.  Eastern  Mon- 
golia. 

(Cat.  Xo.  167262,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 

1.  Tinder  and  Flint  Pouch.  Red  cloth.  Gold  and  silver  ornamentation. 
Turquoise  and  coral  heads  in  the  center.  Poyul. 

(Cat.  Xo.  167260,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 


leport  of  National  Museum.  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  9. 


fWm 

: iiM 

Tooth-pick  and  Strike-a-Lights. 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  10. 


Belt  of  red  leather,  with  ornaments  in  silver  and  coral: 

Knife: — scabbard  of  iron  and  gold  : coral  and  turquoise  beads  in  handle  and  on  scabbard.  Tinder  and  flint  pouch, 
with  silver  studs,  large  turquoise  at  end  of  thong.  Xeedle-case  of  iron  and  gold,  set  with  turquoise  and  coral 
beads.  Derg6. 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  1 1 . 


Chatelaine  of  silver:  turquoise  set  in  center.  Chopsticks  and  knife  in  case, 

WITH  SILVER  MOUNTINGS.  IRON  SEAL  WITH  LEATHER  COVER. 


Cat.  No.  131230.  U.  S.  X.  M.  Eastern  Tibet. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


697 


belt  or  prayer  beads.  * In  the  more  civilized  portions  of  the  country, 
especially  in  the  south  and  near  China  and  India,  it  is  not  uncommon  to 
see  men  wearing  a mustache,  and  in  some  instances,  among  lamas 
especially.  I have  seen  men  wearing  full  beards,  some  quite  thick  and 
long.  Chinese  razors,  or  the  sheath  knives  above  referred  to,  are  used 
to  shave  the  head  and  face.  I have  seen  uo  razor  of  native  manufacture. 

Dr.  Griffiths,  speaking  of  the  ornaments  worn  by  the  women  of  Bhu 
tan,  says  that  they  “wear  a plate  of  silver  fastened  round  the  head  and 
crossing  on  the  upper  part  of  the  forehead,  wire  earrings  of  large  dimen- 
sions, and  peculiar  rings  fastened  to  a straight  silver  wire,  and  worn 
projecting  beyond  the  shoulder.”  (William  Griffiths,  Journal  of  the 
Mission  to  Bootan  in  1837-38,  p.  100.) 

Dr.  Hooker  (Himalayan  Journals,  ii,  p.  86)  describes  as  follows  the 
dress  of  some  Tibetan  women  from  K’amba  djong,t  a district  to  the 
north  of  Sikkim,  within  the  coniines  of  Ulterior  Tibet  (Tsangj : 

The  men  were  dressed  as  usual  in  the  blanket  cloak,  with  brass  pipes,  long  knives, 
flint,  steel,  and  amulets;  the  women  wore  similar  but  shorter  cloaks,  with  silver  aud 
copper  girdles,  trousers,  and  flannel  boots.  Their  headdresses  were  very  remark- 
able. A circular  band  of  plaited  yak’s  hair  was  attached  to  the  back  hair,  and  encir- 
cled the  head  like  a saint’s  glory,  at  some  distance  round  it.  A band  covered  the 
forehead,  from  which  coins,  corals,  and  turquoises  hung  down  to  the  eyebrows, 
while  lappets  of  these  ornaments  fell  over  the  ears.  Their  own  hair  was  plaited  in 
two  braids  brought  over  the  shoulders,  and  fastened  together  in  front,  and  a little 
yellow  felt  cap,  traversely  elongated,  so  as  not  to  interfere  with  the  shape  of  the 
glory,  was  perched  on  the  head. 

This  inode  of  dressing  the  hair,  as  well  as  that  of  Bhutan  referred  to 
by  Griffiths,  are  but  modifications  of  the  crowns  worn  at  Lh’asa. 

Tattooing  as  a means  of  ornamentation  is  hardly  ever  practiced  by 
Tibetans.  I have  seen  a few  men  from  Lh’asa,  or  the  adjacent  coun- 
tries, who  had  a “hooked  cross”  ( yung-drung ) tattooed  on  the  back 
of  their  hands  near  the  thumb,  and  some  others  with  a round  dot  or 
two  tattooed  at  the  same  place,  but  beyond  this  I have  neither  read  nor 
heard  of  any  tattooing  among  this  people.  The  persons  on  whom  I 
saw  tattooing  were  traders,  who  had  frequently  visited  China  and  India, 
where  tattooing  is  known  and  practiced  to  a limited  extent,  and  in 
either  one  of  these  countries,  or  by  a man  from  one  of  these  countries 
residing  in  their  own,  they  may  have  had  the  marks  on  their  persons  done. 

Wearing. — Although  according  to  Tibetan  accounts  (see  p.  672)  the 
art  of  weaving  was  only  introduced  into  this  country  in  the  seventh 
century,  after  intimate  relations  with  China  had  been  established,  we 
may  on  good  grounds  doubt  the  accuracy  of  this  tradition,  for  the  Sui 
shu,  or  Chronicles  of  the  Sui  dynasty  (A.  D.  589-618)  Bk.  83,  speaking 
of  the  Tibetan  T’ang-hsiang  tribes,  says:  “They  weave  yak  and  goat 

* Du  Plan  Carpin  ( Historic  Mongalorum,  658)  says  of  tbe  people  of  Tibet  (bis  Terra 
Burithabet) : “ Isti  pilos  iu  barba  non  habent:  imb  quoddam  ferruin  in  mauibus  por- 
tant,  sicut  vidimus,  cum  quo  semper  barbam  depilant,  si  forte  aliquis  crinis  crescit 
in  ipsa.” 

t These  Tibetans  are  black-tent  dwellers  aud  originally  came  from  northeast  Tibet. 


698 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


hair  and  sheep’s  wool,  and  make  tents,"  and  the  Annals  of  the  T’ang 
dynasty  (Tang  shu,  Bk.  221),  which  covers  the  period  from  A.  1),  618 
to  907,  says  of  these  same  people,  “Men  and  women  wear  long  skin 
gowns,  or  gowns  of  coarse  woolen  stuff  with  a nappy  surface.” 

Among  the  pastoral  Tibetans  of  the  present  day  cloth  is  woven  from 
the  hair  of  yaks  and  goats  and  from  the  wool  of  sheep.  The  wool  is 
cut  off  the  sheep  with  a knife  and  is  of  very  irregular  staple ; very  gen- 
erally it  is  not  washed  before  it  is  spun  into  yarn.  The  usual  occupa- 
tion of  pastoral  Tibetan  men  and  women,  or  perhaps  one  may  call  it 
their  usual  amusement,  is  spinning  yarn.  They  carry  a small  package 
of  wool  or  yak  hair  in  the  bosom  of  their  gowns  and  twist  the  yarn  as 
they  walk  along  herding  their  sheep,  or  when  sitting  in  their  tents 
over  their  tea.  The  spindle,  of  which  a specimen  is  in  the  museum 
(see  Diary  of  a Journey,  etc.,  p.  132),  is  about  111  to  12  inches  long  and 
consists  of  a straight  wooden  rod  with  a notch  at  the  end  in  which 
the  yarn  is  caught,  and  terminates  at  the  lower  end  in  a flattened  clay 
whorl  about  2 inches  in  diameter. 

Sometimes  the  clay  whorl  is  replaced  by  two  sticks  at  right  angles, 
and  a little  iron  hook  is  tixed  in  the  end  of  the  rod  instead  of  the  notch 
above  referred  to.  There  is  in  the  collection  even  a more  primitive  spindle, 
in  which  the  whorl  is  a short  bone  and  the  rod  has  a fork  at  the  end  on 
which  the  yarn  catches.  This  spindle  was  collected  among  the  Ordos 
Mongols,  who  spin  and  weave,  by  the  way,  exactly  as  the  Tibetans  do, 
though  they  practice  the  latter  art  to  a much  less  extent  (see  Diary  of 
a Journey,  etc.,  p.  22). 

The  loom  usually  used  m Tibet  is  of  extreme  simplicity;  it  is  also  in 
use  in  Mongolia  and  generally  in  the  border  country  of  northern  China. 
The  warp,  which  is  hardly  ever  over  10  inches  to  a foot  broad  and  about 
-10  to  50  feet  long,  is  fastened  to  the  ground  by  large  pegs  at  either  end; 
tin*  weaver  squats  over  this  and  pushes  the  balls  of  thread  through  the 
warp;  two  or  three  blows  from  a heavy  wooden  batten  are  given  on  each 
thread  of  the  woof,  and  the  alternate  threads  of  The  woof  are  kept 
separated  by  two  small  sticks  and  the  batten  itself.  The  part  of  the 
warp  near  the  weaver  is  kept  raised  to  a convenient  height  from  the 
ground  by  either  a little  rounded  piece  of  wood  raised  on  feet  and  placed 
under  it,  or  else  by  a big  stone.  The  woof,  according  to  Jaeschke 
(Tib.  Engl.  Diet.,  p.  331).  is  called  pun  [spun),  the  spindle,  {pang)  and 
the  whorl  ( pang-lo).  In  this  primitive  fashion  the  material  for  the  black 
hair  tents  of  the  pastoral  tribes  is  woven,  and  also  the  woolen  material 
used  to  make  clothes,  boot-linings,  bags,  etc.  This  latter  stuff,  which 
is  always  used  undyed,  is  called  la- tea.  or  ta  in  some  sections  of  the 
country,  and  is  sometimes  quite  fine.  The  coarser  varieties,  all  man- 
ufactured by  the  Kokonor  Tibetans,  are  represented  in  the  Museum’s 
collections  by  "Nos.  131208,  167202,  and  167203,*  in  the  last  there  are 
narrow  bands  of  black  wool. 


'Not  illustrated  in  this  paper. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  12. 


\ + lb  HI*  'A* 

+ + 4 il* 

+ 44  + 

f + 4 ^ 
+ 4 4"  + 

i ....  ! 

| — 

t + + + ■#" 

i 

4*  + + + 

= 

4 + + 



V _ 

1 2 

Specimens  of  Tibetan  Cloth  (trukl 


Fig.  1.  Fine  White  Truk.  Stamped  with  red  and  bine  crosses. 

(Cat.  No.  131205,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  2.  Ordinary  Striped  Truk.  Yellow,  bine,  green,  and  red,  with  blue  and  red 
crosses. 


(Cat.  No.  1672UI,  U.  S.  X.  51.) 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1 893.  — Rockhill. 


Plate  12. 


+ 

+ 

+ 

+ 


Specimens  of  Tibetan  Cloth  (truk). 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


699 


In  some  parts  of  the  country  a rude  vertical  loom  (called,  I believe,  tag 
tan  written  htag-stan)  is  used,  but,  as  far  as  my  unpracticed  eye  could 
discern,  it  showed  no  material  difference  in  the  mode  of  weaving  from 
that  above  described.  Jaesclike  (Tib.  Engl.  Diet.,  s.  v.  dong  po)  speaks 
of  a shuttle  made  of  a piece  of  bamboo  called  dong  po.  This  implement, 
which  I have  never  seen  used,  may  be  common  in  western  Tibet,  where 
that  missionary  resided,  but  in  all  parts  visited  by  me  the  yarn  was 
made  up  into  balls.  The  woof  in  the  vertical  looms  is  wrapped  around 
two  rollers  so  that  the  weaving  may  be  done  in  a confined  space,  but  I 
noticed  no  such  mechanical  devices  as  I was  expecting  to  find  for 
drawing  up  the  parts  of  the  warp  as  required,  but  only  small  sticks, 
varying  in  number,  as  in  the  ruder  loom  previously  referred  to.  This 
loom  has  unquestionably  been  borrowed  from  China,  audit  ishighly  prob- 
able that  in  many  parts  of  Tibet  the  one  in  use  is  of  the  pattern  usual 
in  China;  unfortunately,  I can  find  no  description  of  one  in  any  works 
to  which  I have  access,  aud  my  own  knowledge  of  the  subject  is  too 
limited  to  make  a description  of  it  intelligible. 

Father  Desgodins  says: 

In  Tibet  the  profession  of  weaver,  called  Ta-keu  ( htag-mk'an ),  is  confined  to  the 
women.  The  loom  employed  is  not  complicated;  it  has  only  the  essential  elements 
usually  found  in  such  appliances. 

Nearly  all  ihe  woolen  stuffs  are  diagonals.  The  pieces  are  from  30  to  35  centime- 
ters broad,  often  less,  and  10  meters  long.  They  are  thick  and  rather  coarse,  for  the 
surface  is  not  shorn  as  is  done  with  cloth  with  us,  but  they  are  very  warm  aud  nearly 
waterproof. 

I have  been  told  of  a woolen  stuff,  very  tine  and  rather  loosely  woven,  called 
tirma.  It  is  a very  fine  texture,  and  resembles  somewhat  the  stuff  we  call  serge : it 
is  frequently  used  to  make  the  scarfs  worn  by  the  lamas  over  their  shoulders  during 
prayers;  it  is,  I believe,  the  most  expensive  tissue  they  manufacture.  They  do  not 
know  how  to  weave  wide  stuffs  as  in  Europe,  but  all  the  little  narrow  strips  are 
afterwards  sewn  together  with  woolen  thread,  and  look  very  well,  though  they  would 
not  suit  French  taste.  (Desgodins,  Le  Thibet,  p.390.) 

The  cloth  most  commonly  used  in  Tibet  is  that  called  prug  (pro- 
nounced truk),  but  which  is  perhaps  better  known  under  its  Chinese 
name  of  pulo , a transcription,  I take  it,  of  the  native  name.  It  is  chiefly 
manufactured  in  Ulterior  Tibet,  near  the  city  of  Shigatse  (see  Turner, 
Embassy  to  the  Court  of  the  Teshoolama,  p.  225),  whence  it  is  exported 
to  all  parts  of  Tibet,  to  Mongolia  aud  China.  The  principal  colors  are 
red,  purple,  blue,  white  stamped  with  crosses,  narrow  stripes  of  blue, 
yellow,  green,  etc.,  running  across  the  stuff,  or  a combination  of  the 
stripes  and  crosses.  (PI.  12.) 

The  price  of  pulo  varies  from  an  ounce  of  silver  a piece  to  30  or  40 
ounces  for  the  finest  kinds.  It  is  usually  10  or  11  braces  ( damba ) long. 

The  variety  of  cloth  called  tirma , mostly  used,  as  Father  Desgodins 
remarks,  for  lamas’  shawls,  is  invariably  dyed  red.  It  is  of  the  same 
width  as  the  truk,  about  9 inches,  a good  sample  of  it  is  in  the  Museum 
collection. 

In  Po-yul,  in  southern  Tibet,  a very  closely  woven  stuff',  which  is 


700 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


quite  waterproof,  is  woven  by  tlie  natives.  It  is  extremely  narrow, 
about  to  5 inches  in  breadth,  and  in  it  are  narrow  stripes  of  red, 
white,  green,  blue,  and  yellow.  This  stuff  is  very  much  prized.  The 
women  make  their  aprons  and  skirts  of  it  in  some  portions  of  the 
country  (Mark’ams  and  Bat’aug  for  instance),  and  blankets  of  it  are  in 
great  demand,  13  bands  of  the  stuff  being  sewn  together  to  make  a 
blanket,  never  more  or  less. 

I have  found  but  few  notices  concerning  Tibetan  weaving  in  books 
accessible  to  me.  Wiiliam  Moorecroft,  however,  gives  some  interest- 
ing details  on  the  methods  of  weaving  ot  the  northern  Ladakis: 

To  the  northward  a coarse  loom  is  in  use,  little  unlike  in  its  parts  to  the  one  com- 
mon in  Europe.  Here  the  two  ends  of  the  warp  are  fastened  together,  and  it  istheu 
stretched  upon  two  rods,  one  fixed  to  the  body  of  the  weaver  (who  is  invariably  a 
woman)  by  a cord,  which  admits  of  the  work  being  loosened  or  tightened  at  pleas- 
ure, and  the  other  well  fastened  to  some  stones  at  a distance  equal  to  half  the  length 
of  the  cloth.  The  whole  is  close  to  the  ground,  on  which  the  work  woman  sits,  but 
the  portion  close  to  her  is  slightly  elevated  by  a third  rod.  Loops,  each  including  a 
thread,  and  received  upon  a small  stick  like  a rattan,  supply  the  place  of  a heddle;* 
of  these  there  are  three  sets,  which  draw  up  parts  of  the  warp  alternately  as 
required.  A large  heavy  mash,  into  which  a thin  bar  of  iron  is  inserted,  is  a substi- 
tute for  the  reed,  and  three  or  more  heavy  strokes  are  made  with  its  armed  edge  upon 
every  thread  of  the  woof.  The  last  instrument  must  be  taken  out  afterdhe  inser- 
tion of  each  piece  of  yarn,  and  when  placed  perpendicularly,  with  its  two  edges 
separating  the  warp,  abundance  of  room  is  given  for  the  passage  of  the  balls  of 
worsted  made  use  of,  without  the  covering  of  a shuttle.  This  part  of  the  process  is 
tedious,  but  the  warp  is  prepared  in  a quick  and  simple  way.  Several  pegs  are  driven 
into  the  ground  so  near  each  other  that  the  whole  may  be  reached  without  any 
material  movement  of  the  body;  the  yarn  is  fastened  to  one  of  them,  and  carried  on 
round  the  others  till  a sufficient  quantity  has  been  wound;  all  are  then  taken  off 
except  three,  which  have  their  places  supplied  by  rods,  and  the  warp  only  requires 
spreading.  * * * Each  piece  is  about  17  inches  broad,  and  the  average  length 

may  be  stated  at  7£  yards.  * * * Very  good  sacking  is  also  made  of  the  hair  and 

wool  taken  from  the  yak.  (Travels  in  the  Himalayan  Provinces  of  Hindoostan, 
etc.,  ii,  pp.  72-74.) 

Felt  ( cliying-pa ) is  also  largely  used  in  Tibet.  Its  mode  of  manufacture 
is  extremely  simple.  The  wool,  having  been  first  picked  over,  is  spread 
out  a handful  at  a time  on  a large  piece  of  felt  on  the  ground,  each  hand 
ful  overlapping  the  preceding  one  in  such  a way  that  a piece  of  uniform 
thickness  and  of  whatever  size  is  desired  is  made.  This  is  rolled  up 
tightly  and  with  much  pounding  of  the  closed  list  and  then  unrolled, 
and  this  work  is  kept  up  for  an  hour  or  more;  then  the  roll  is  soaked  in 
water  aud  the  work  of  rolling,  unrolling,  kneading,  and  beating  with 
the  closed  fist  goes  on  for  another  hour  or  two.  I was  told  that  a piece 
of  felt  had  to  be  kneaded  at  least  1,000  times  before  it  was  ready  for  use. 
After  the  roll  has  been  left  to  dry  for  a while  it  is  opened,  and  by  pulling 
it  slightly  in  different  directions  the  surface  is  made  smooth,  and  the 
edges  aretrimmed  with  a knife.  Sometimes  it  is  bleached.  Altogether, 
Tibetan  and  Mongol  felt  is  vastly  inferior  to  that  made  by  the  Chinese. 


The  Navajo  loom,  I take  it,  resembles  this  oue  very  closely. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  13. 


Fig.  1.  (Jaktkks.  Woven  in  the  Ts’arong. 

Fig.  2.  liKLT.  Woven  in  .lyatle. 

(Cat.  X».  167200,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  1 3, 


Specimens  of  Tibetan  Weaving. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


701 


There  are  fairly  good  specimens  of  Tibetan,  Chinese,  and  Mongol  felts  in 
the  Museum’s  collection.  A specimen  of  tine  Chinese  felt  formed  into 
a pair  of  socks  by  the  Eastern  Mongols  is  also  in  the  Museum.  It  was 
made  at  Chang-chia  k’ou  (Kalgan). 

All  the  cotton  stuffs  used  in  Tibet  are  brought  there  either  from  China 
or  India,  as  are  also  the  silks,  satins,  broadcloths,  etc.,  there  made 
use  of. 

Dyeing. — Desgodins  says : 

The  profession  in  which  Tibetans  excel  is  that  of  dyeing;  not  that  there  are  artists 
specially  given  to  this  work,  for  every  family  can  dye  the  stuffs  woven  in  the  house. 
Vegetable  dyes  are  nearly  exclusively  used,  and  they  know  how  to  fix  the  colors  so 
well  that  they  are  practically  permanent.  * * * To  dye  red  they  use  a kind  of 

garance  tea  and  Au,  which  imparts  to  the  former  a deeper  but  very  tine  color.  I am 
unable  to  say  what  this  latter  substance  is.  With  the  refuse  of  ka  they  make  sealing 
wax  laguia .*  For  dyeing  yellow  a very  bitter  root  is  used,  which  is  also  used  in  med- 
icine for  inflammatory  diseases;  they  call  it  e hing-tsa  and  the  Chinese  luiaug-lien. 
Indigo,  which  they  call  ram,  comes  to  them  from  ludia,  but  they  can  also  get  it  from 
certain  of  the  warm  valleys  of  their  country.  * * * Sometimes  they  paint  on  the 

stuffs  flowers  and  principally  crosses.  These  colored  stuff's  are  then  called  Laoua- 
clira-cha  or  clint-cha  according  as  the  stuff  is  laoiia  or  chru.  (Desgodins,  Le  Thibet, 
pp.  391,  392.) 

The  dye  called  ten  by  Desgodins  is  possibly  the  tzu-ts’ao  of  the 
Chinese  ( Anchusa  tinctorial),  and  huang-lien  is  the  Picrorhiza  kurroa 
(Koyle).  Dr.  Hooker  (Himalayan  Journals,  p.  41)  says  that  the  leaves 
of  a shrub  ( symplocos ) are  dried  m Sikkim  to  be  sent  to  Tibet,  where 
they  are  used  as  a yellow  dye.  I have  seen  in  parts  of  Tibet  (west  of 
Cli’amdo)  people  gathering  a yellow  gooseberry  which,  I was  told,  sup- 
plied a yellow  dye,  and  the  root  of  the  rhubarb  plant  is  also  used  to 
supply  that  color  in  parts  of  Tibet  and  in  the  Ts’aidam.  I have  been 
unable  to  learn  where  the  Tibetans  get  their  brown  or  green  colors. 
The  latter  are  especially  tine.  In  northwest  China  a fine  brown  is 
obtained  from  the  acorns  of  the  holly-leafed  oak  ( ching  Wang  in  Chinese). 
Possibly  this  is  used  by  Tibetans,  for  the  tree  is  very  abundant  in 
many  places  of  eastern  and  southern  Tibet. 

According  to  Abbe  Hue  (Souvenirs,  n,  p.  208),  the  Nepalese  at 
Lh’asa  do  most  of  the  dyeing,  but,  he  adds,  they  are  only  allowed  to 
dye  native  cloths,  and  all  imported  stuff's  must  be  used  as  received 
there,  this  being  done  to  encourage  the  consumption  of  native  products. 

V. 

HABITATIONS — HOUSEHOLD  UTENSILS — FOOD — TOBACCO.' 

The  pastoral  Tibetans  throughout  the  country  inhabit  tents  made  of 
yak  hair.  The  Tibetan  tents  are  rectangular,  with  a fiat  roof.  Some  of 
them  are  not  more  than  10  or  12  feet  long,  but  I have  seen  many  50  feet 
long  by  30  feet  broad.  A space  about  2 feet  wide  is  left  open  along  the 
center  of  the  top  to  admit  light  and  let  smoke  escape.  Under  it  is  a 

*It  is  the  lac  produced  by  the  Coccus  lacca. 


702 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


ridge  pole  supported  at  each  end  by  vertical  posts.  These  are  the  only 
posts  used  for  holdiug  up  the  tent.  The  roof  is  stretched  by  cords 
■which  are  fastened  outside  to  the  sides  and  corners,  and  which,  passing- 
over  short  poles  some  distance  from  the  tent,  are  pegged  to  the  ground. 
The  lower  edge  of  the  tent  is  held  down  by  iron  pins  or  by  horns  of  the 
Antilope  Hodgson i.  Hue  most  felicitously  compares  these  tents  to  huge 
black  spiders  with  long  thin  legs,  their  bodies  resting  upon  the  ground. 
Sometimes  to  keep  oil  the  wind  and  snow  the  inmates  build  a low  wall 
of  mud  and  stones,  or  else  of  dry  dung,  around  the  outside  of  the  tent, 
or,  when  large  enough,  inside  of  it;  but  they  do  not  frequently  resort 
to  this  expedient  m the  Kokonor  section,  where  there  is  but  little  snow. 

In  the  center  of  the  tent  is  a long,  narrow  stove  made  of  mud  and 
stones,  with  a fireplace  in  one  end  and  a flue  passing  along  its  whole 
length,  so  that  several  pots  may  be  kept  boiling  at  the  same  time. 
These  stoves,  in  which  only  manure  is  burnt,  have  sufficient  draft  to 
render  the  use  of  bellows  needless,  and  are  altogether  a most  ingenious 
contrivance  (see  Diary  of  a Journey,  etc.,  p.  123).  Around  the  walls  of 
the  tents  are  piled  up  leather  bags  in  which  the  occupants  keep  then- 
food ; also  saddles,  pieces  of  felt,  and  innumerable  odds  and  ends,  of 
which  only  the  owner  knows  the  use  and  value.  A small  stone  or  birch- 
wood  mortar  for  pounding  tea.  a wooden  tea  churn  about  2 feet  high — 
made  of  a hollowed  log  and  hooped  with  wood  (pi.  II,  fig.  9),  or  out  of 
a joint  of  bamboo,  which  are,  in  some  parts,  used  also  to  churn  butter 
in — a few  small  and  very  dirty  wooden  milk  pails  with  handles  of  plaited' 
yak  hair  ( see  Diary  of  a J ouruey , etc.,  p.  204 ) , a log  or  two  of  wood  roughly 
squared,  and  which  take  the  place  of  tables,  and  a small  quern  are  the 
principal  articles  of  furniture  in  these  “black  tents." 

Food. — The  food  of  the  tent-dwelling  Tibetans  consists  principally  of 
tea  and  parched  barley  or  tsarnba;  the  barley  they  buy  from  the  agri- 
cultural Tibetans  in  exchange  for  butter,  hides,  or  wool.  The  prepara- 
tion of  tsamba  is  not  difficult.  The  grain  is  parched  in  a pan  and 
winnowed,  when  most  of  the  husk  falls  off:  after  this  it  is  ground  in  a 
small  quern,  when  it  is  ready  for  use.  The  flavor  of  tsamba  depends 
on  the  browning  or  roasting  of  the  grain,  and  on  the  fineness  of  the 
meal.  When  it  is  too  fine  it  is  not  considered  good,  nor  is  it  liked 
when  it  is  ground  in  a large  water  mill,  although  large  quantities  of  it 
are  prepared  by  the  Chinese  for  the  Kokonor  Tibetans  in  this  way. 
The  Museum  has  several  samples  of  tsamba.  The  meal  when  ready  for 
use  is  kept  in  small  bags  (tsam  link),  some  of  cloth,  others  of  red 
leather,  the  lower  part  of  the  bag  being  sometime*  covered  with  mar- 
mot or  leopard  skin  (pi.  14,  fig.  4).  The  other  articles  of  diet  of  these 
people  are  mutton  and.  occasionally,  game,  sour  milk  ( slio  or  tarak), 
granulated  cheese  (churn),  cream  cheese  ( pima ),  the  root  of  the  poten- 
tilla  anserina  (chouma),  and.  occasionally,  vermicelli  (kua-mien)  and 
wheaten  cakes  ( pale  or  kore).  (See  also  Diary  of  a Journey,  etc.,  pp. 
239,  274,  and  278.) 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  14. 


Fig.  1 Brass  Pot.  Used  by  Ktfkonor  Tibetans.  Made  by  Chinese. 

(Oat.  Xo.  131189,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  2.  Bamboo  Tea  Strainer.  Eastern  Tibet. 

(Cat.  Xo.  131039.  U.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  3.  Wooden  Bowi..  Bat’ang. 

(^’at.  No.  167230,  I'.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  3a.  Silver  Spoon.  Lli’asa. 

(Cat.  Xo.  131020.  IT.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  4.  Tsamba  Bag.  Made  of  red  leather  aud  striped  cloth.  Dergo. 

(Cat.  Xo.  167211,  U.  S.  X.  it.) 

Fig.  5.  Copper  Teapot.  Silver  spout.  Handle  and  spout,  dolphin-shaped ; tied 
and  lid  finely  chased.  I )erge. 

«':it.  Xo.  107176,  U.  S.  X*.  M.) 

Fig.  6.  Wooden  Bi  tter  Box.  Lh’asa. 

(Cat.  Xo.  131061,  U.S.X.  M.) 

Fig  7.  Brick  Tea.  Known  as  go-inang-chupn  variety.  I'a-chien-lu. 

(Cat.  No.  131033,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  8.  Sm a l.i  Tea  Dasher.  Jyade. 

(Cat,  No.  167216, 17.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  9.  Wooden  Tea  ( hern  and  Dasher.  Made  of  two  pieces  of  a hollowed  log- 
hoops  of  willow  twigs.  Kanzd. 

(Cat,  Xo.  131040,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 


Report  of  National  Museum.  1893. — Rock  hill. 


Plate  14. 


ARTICLES  USED  IN  MAKING  TEA. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


703 


Tea  is,  however,  the  principal  article  of  food  among-  all  Tibetans.  It 
is  not  simply  the  beverage  but  the  food  of  this  people,  for  it  is  nearly 
i invariably  taken  mixed  with  butter  and  tsamba  and  the  leaves  are  not 
infrequently  eaten.  Fora  full  description  of  the  “brick  tea”  used  in 
Tibet  and  its  mode  of  preparation  I must  refer  the  reader  to  the  account 
I have  published  elsewhere.*  The  Museum  collection  contains  a num- 
ber of  specimens  of  brick  tea  of  various  grades  (pi.  II,  tig.  7,  shows  one). 
I shall  only  describe  here  the  way  in  which  the  beverage  is  prepared. 

Tea,  previously  reduced  to  powder  in  a mortar,  is  put  in  the  kettle 
^ Diary  of  a Journey,  etc.,  p.  96,  tigs.  1 and  I)  when  the  water  is  hot,  but 
before  it  is  boiling,  and  is  left  to  boil  for  about  five  minutes.  Frequently 
a little  concentrated  extract  of  tea,  kept  for  the  purpose  in  a small  tea- 
pot, is  added  to  give  additional  flavor,  and  a little  salt  or  soda  is  also 
thrown  in.  Sometimes  it  is  partaken  of  at  this  stage  of  its  preparation, 
but  much  more  generally  it  is  poured  through  a small  bamboo  strainer 
called  ja-ts'ag  (pi.  II,  tig.  2)  into  one  of  the  previously  described  tea 
churns  (dong-mo),  and  a chunk  of  butter  and  a little  tsamba  having  been 
added,  it  is  vigorously  churned  for  a minute  or  so,  when  it  is  poured  into 
tea-pots  of  earthenware  or  metal  (pi.  II,  figs.  1 and  5,  and  pi.  15)  and  is 
then  ready  to  be  drunk.  Each  one  draws  from  the  bosom  of  his  gown 
a little  wooden  bowl  (purba),  frequently  lined  or  otherwise  ornamented 
with  silver  (pi.  II,  fig.  3),  and,  a little  tea  having  first  been  sprinkled 
toward  the  four  cardinal  points  as  an  ottering  to  the  gods,  the  bowls 
are  filled.  Taking  with  his  fingers  a chunk  of  butter  from  a sheep’s 
paunch  in  which  it  is  kept,  or  from  a wooden  butter  box  (mar pa)  (pi.  II, 
fig.  6),  the  drinker  lets  it  melt  in  his  bowl,  drinking  the  while  some  of 
the  tea  and  blowing  the  melted  butter  to  one  side.  When  but  a little 
tea  is  left  in  the  bottom  of  the  bowl,  a handful  of  tsamba  is  added,  and 
the  tea,  butter,  and  meal  are  deftly  worked  into  a ball  with  the  right 
hand,  the  bowl  being  meanwhile  slowly  turned  around  in  the  left.  The 
resulting  lump  of  brown  dough,  which  is  of  a rather  agreeable  taste,  if 
the  butter  is  not  too  rancid,  is  then  eaten,  and  enough  tea  is  drunk  to 
wash  down  the  sodden  lump.  When  dried  cheese  ( chura ) is  eaten  it  is 
first  soaked  in  tea  and  then  eaten  with  buttered  tea  and  tsa  mba  A 

The  Tibetans  of  all  parts  of  the  country  make  tea  as  above  described, 
and  eat  their  tsamba  in  this  way.  They  have  no  regular  meals;  the 
kettle  is  always  kept  full  of  tea  and  each  one  takes  tea  when  he  is 
huugry.J  Those  who,  like  lamas  reading  the  sacred  books  and  others, 
are  continually  employed  during  the  day,  keep  beside  them  a pot  of 

*Land  of  the  Lamas,  pp.  278-281  and  p.  310,  and  also  to  E.  Colhourne  Baber’s 
Travels  and  Researches  in  Western  China,  p.  192  et  seq. 

t Frequently,  also,  the  tea  is  drunk  plain  with  the  addition  of  about  a fifth  its 
volume  of  milk. 

i In  Kunduz  the  people  use  Keimuk  chah  or  cream  tea;  fat  is  sometimes  added 
and  salt  is  the  uniform  substitute  for  sugar.  (Wood,  Journey  to  the  Source  of  the 
Oxns,  ]>.  143,  2-1  edit.)  Milk  tea  is  or  was  served  a taudiences  given  by  the  Emperor 
of  China. 


704 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


tea  on  a heap  of  hot  ashes  or  a little  brasero , and  occasionally  give  it  a 
stirring  up  with  a small  churning  stick  (pi.  14,  tig.  8)  resembling  that 
used  in  chocolate  pots  with  us. 

When  one  has  eaten  sour  milk  (slio  or  tarak),  or  anything  which  soils 
the  bowl,  it  is  customary  to  lick  it  clean  before  putting  it  back  in  the 
gown. 

If  mutton  or  any  other  meat  forms  part  of  the  meal,  it  is  boiled  in 
the  same  kettle  in  which  the  tea  is  prepared,  and  each  one  picks  out  a 
piece  from  the  pot  and  holds  it  in  his  hand,  cutting  mouthfuls  off  it 
with  his  sheath  knife  and  carefully  removing  every  particle  of  meat 
from  the  bone.  The  Kokonor  Tibetans  and  the  K’ambas  have  a saying 
to  the  effect  that  one  can  judge  of  the  way  a man  will  manage  irnpor. 
taut  business  by  seeing  him  pick  a bone.  (Land  of  the  Lamas,  79-80.) 

Butter  is  made  either  in  the  tea  churn  or  in  a goatskin  bag  roughly 
shaken  about.  Dr.  Hooker  (Himalayan  Journals,  ii,  p.  77),  speaking  of 
some  black-tent  Tibetans  he  visited  in  Upper  Sikkim,  says: 

The  churns  were  of  two  kinds,  one  being  an  oblong  box  of  birch  bark,  or  close 
bamboo  wickerwork,  full  of  branched  rhododendron  twigs,  in  which  the  cream  is 
shaken.  * * * The  other  churn  was  a goatskin,  which  was  rolled  about  and 

shaken  by  the  four  legs.  The  butter  is  made  into  great  squares  and  packed  in  yak 
haircloths;  the  curd  is  eaten  either  fresh  or  dried  and  pulverized  (when  it  is  called 
“Tschenzip”). 

Wherever  I have  traveled  in  Tibet  1 have  found  the  butter  made 
into  balls,  sometimes  weighing  U0  pounds  or  more;  it  is  sewed  up  in  a 
sheep’s  paunch  or  wrapped  in  a bit  of  goatskin  with  the  hair  left  on. 
Dr.  Hooker’s  Tschenzip  is  perhaps  better  known  as  cliura;  it  is  not 
used  to  any  great  extent  except  among  the  tent  dwellers. 

Moorcroft  (Travels,  n,  p.  79)  says: 

At  Kinar  (in  Ladak)  I first  learned  that  dalii,  or  curdled  milk,  is  churned  into  but- 
ter, and  found  a pail  employed  as  a churn,  the  churning  stick  being  supported  by 
two  arms  fastened  to  a post  and  turned  by  a rope,  as  in  Hindostan.  The  natives 
affirm  that  butter  made  from  milk  in  the  first  instance  disagrees  with  them. 

The  teapots  used  by  Tibetans  are  of  earthenware  or  metal,  and, 
though  the  ornamentation  on  them  varies  somewhat  in  different  locali- 
ties, the  general  shape  is  everywhere  the  same — a very  narrow  neck, 
a large  globular  body,  and  a rather  small  base.  The  spout  is  most  fre- 
quently ornamented  so  as  to  represent  a dragon’s  head,  the  extremity  of 
the  spout  projecting  from  out  the  mouth.  A metallic  cover  is  attached 
by  a chain  to  the  handle,  in  which,  in  the  case  of  earthenware  tea- 
pots, a hole  is  made  for  the  extremity  of  the  chain.  In  some  of  the 
earthenware  teapots,  especially  those  from  Lit’ang  and  farther  east, 
irregular  cubes  of  broken  chinaware  are  pressed  into  the  parts  so  as 
to  form  a rough  kind  of  ornamentation.  The  mouth,  spout,  and  handle 
of  these  teapots  are  luted  on,  and  there  are  lines  grooved  around  the 
neck  and  body  of  the  pot,  the  lines  on  the  latter  part  being  usually 
vertical.  Some  pots  are  made  of  black  earth,  but  most  of  them  of 
coarse  reddish  clay,  in  which  there  is  a good  deal  of  mica,  and  all  are 
very  porous.  Before  being  used,  earthenware  pots  are  slightly  heated 


. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  15. 


Fig.  1.  Earthenware  Teapot.  Jyad6. 

(Cat.  No.  167231a,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  2.  Red  Earthenware  Teapot.  Lh’asa. 
(Cat.  No.  167231b,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 


Fig.  3.  Black  Earthenware  Teapot.  Having  small  pieces  of  Chmaware  pressed 
into  the  surface.  Stamped  brass  top.  Lit’aug. 

(Cat.  No.  167231c,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893.  — Rockhill. 


Plate  1 5. 


Earthenware  Teapots. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


705 


and  well  rubbed  with  butter.  Good  specimens  of  earthenware  teapots 
are  shown  on  pi.  15.*  The  best  metal  teapots  are  made  in  Derg6  in 
eastern  Tibet,  and  in  many  of  them  brass,  copper,  and  silver  are  com. 
biued  so  as  to  produce  a highly  ornamental  effect.  A Derg6  pot  of 
wrought  brass  is  in  the  collection,  and  on  pi.  14,  fig.  5 is  shown  a tea- 
pot of  copper  with  chased  spout  and  handle;  both  have  highly  orna- 
mental tops.  Several  teapots  in  my  private  collection  are  of  silver  and 
brass,  and  show  much  taste  aud  great  cleverness  in  execution. 

Throughout  Tibet  it  is  not  uncommon  to  now  and  then  find  poor  people 
reduced  to  using  a substitute  for  tea — chips  of  wood,  roasted  pease,  or 
willow  leaves,  anything, in  fact,  which  can  impart  a little  color  and  slight 
astringent  taste  to  their  drink. 

Among  the  Rongwa  Tibetans  of  northwest  Kan-su  it  is  customary  to 
eat  tsamba  dry,  with  a small  spoon.  (PI.  14,  tig.  3a.)  They  throw  a 
little  meal  into  their  mouths,  taking  it  from  a large  bowl  placed  before 
them,  aud  then  wash  the  dry  stuff  down  with  a gulp  of  tea  from  their 
wooden  bowls. 

Ur.  Griffiths  says  of  the  people  of  Bhutan: 

They  use  brick  tea  from  Tibet  and  make  rungapah,  a substitute  prepared  from  the 
leaf  of  a pear  or  medlar ; also  chang,  made  from  rice.  (Dr.  W.  Griffiths,  op.  sup.  cit.,  p.  167.) 

In  the  more  civilized  parts  of  Tibet  tea  aud  tsamba  are  used  in  the 
same  way  aud  nearly  to  the  same  extent  as  among  the  tent  dwellers,  and 
vegetables  form  a very  small  portion  of  the  diet  of  any  of  the  Tibetan 
people.  Rice,  imported  from  China  and  Bhutan,  is  occasionally  used, 
sometimes  boiled  with  milk,  sometimes  made  iuto  a pillaw  ( dre-sil  in 
Tibetan),  in  which  is  put  melted  butter  (inarku),  raisins,  and  sugar. 
Spaghetti  (in  Chinese,  mien)  is  also  eaten  by  the  house-dwelling  Tibet- 
ans, by  whom  it  is  known  as  jyatfug , and  this  dish,  as  well  as  vermicelli 
( lcua-mien ),  has  been  introduced  into  the  country  by  the  Chinese. 
Chinese  condiments  are  also  used  by  the  wealthy  Tibetans,  who  fre- 
(piently  have  their  meals  served  in  purely  Chinese  fashion. 

While  pork  is  never  eaten  by  the  tent-dwelling  Tibetans,  it  is  used 
to  a considerable  extent  by  the  people  of  central  and  some  parts  of 
eastern  Tibet,  but  mutton  aud  yak  flesh  supply  by  far  the  largest  part 
of  the  animal  food  eaten  by  them.  The  pastoral  Tibetans  export  in 
winter  to  Lh’asa  and  elsewhere  frozen  sheep’s  carcasses,  and  they  them- 
selves use  large  quantities  of  dried  mutton  (shakam).  The  meat  is  cut 
in  strips,  boiled,  and  then  dried.  In  this  shape  it  will  keep  for  nearly 
a year,  and  is  much  used  while  traveling. 

Cabbages,  turnips  sometimes  dried,  radishes  and  potatoes,  pease,  and 
several  varieties  of  beans  are  eaten,  but  in  very  small  quantities,  the 
people  preferring  tea  and  tsamba  to  any  other  diet  which  can  be  placed 
before  them. 

*1  have  never  seen  pottery  manufactured  in  Tibet,  and  the  only  reference  to  the 
subject  I have  found  in  any  work  on  Tibet  is  in  Captain  Pemberton’s  Report  on 
Bootan,  p.  74. 

H.  Mis.  184,  pt.  2 


45 


706 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


The  only  alcoholic  drink  of  the  Tibetans  is  bailey  wine,  or  nds  ch'ang. 
Jaeschke  (Tib.  Engl.  Diet.,  p.  154,  s.  v.  cli'ang)  thus  describes  its  prepara 
tion : 

When  the  boiled  barley  has  grown  cold  some  pabs  (or  yeast)  is  added,  after  which 
it  is  left  standing  for  two  or  three  days,  until  fermentation  commences,  when  it  is 
called  glum.  Having  sufficiently  fermented,  some  water  is  poured  on  it,  and  the 
beer  is  considered  ready  for  use. 

In  some  parts  of  the  country  this  niis  cli’ang  is  distilled,  and  a very 
strong  colorless  liquor  of  considerable  strength  thus  obtained,  which 
is  called  arrdk. 

Houses. — Tibetan  homes  are  so  much  alike  throughout  the  whole 
country  that  a description  of  one  will  serve  for  all.  They  may,  how 
ever,  be  divided  into  two  classes,  those  of  the  rich,  in  which  there  is  a 
central  court,  around  three  or  more  generally  four,  sides  of  which  rise 
buildings  usually  three  stories  high,  and  those  of  the  poorer  class,  which 
are  two  storied,  and  have  a courtyard  in  front  or  behind  them.  In  both 
classes  of  houses  the  ground  floor  is  used  as  a stable  and  godown. 
The  following  description  of  the  houses  of  East  Tibet  will  apply,  with 
such  slight  differences  as  the  scarcity  or  abundance  of  timber  in  the 
different  localities  must  occasion,  to  houses  throughout  Tibet: 

The  walls  of  tbe  bouses  are  generally  made  of  flat  stoues,  held  together  with  mud 
mortar.  I do  not  believe  that  lime  is  ever  used.  Often  the  walls  are  of  beaten  earth. 
Tbe  ground  floor  is  ordinarily  given  up  to  cattle.  On  the  first  floor  are  tbe  rooms, 
usually  large,  and  lit  by  means  of  little  square  or  oblong  windows  divided  by  a bar 
in  tbe  shape  of  across.  There  is  no  glass  in  tbe  window  frame — not  even  paper,  as  in 
China.  The  windows  have  wooden  shutters,  which  are  carefully  closed  at  night. 
Around  the  doors  and  windows  is  sometimes  a molding  painted  in  red,  white,  and 
blue,  consisting  of  the  ends  of  the  projecting  rafters,  and  frequently  on  this  kind  of 
cornice  arc  flat  stones,  on  which  are  written  the  famous  prayer  Om  manipeme  hum. 
In  large  buildings  the  first-story  apartments  form  three  sides,  and  sometimes  even  a 
square  around  an  interior  courtyard,  which  is  always  disgustingly  dirty.  In  the  bet- 
ter sort  of  buildings  there  is  always  a covered  gallery  opening  onto  the  courtyard  in 
front  of  the  rooms.  The  roof  forms  a terrace,  is  of  earth,  and  is  used  as  a thrashing 
floor.  On  the  uppermost  terrace  there  is  usually  a little  pavilion,  or  idol  room,  sur- 
mounted by  a terrace,  where  are  planted  la-der,  long  poles  to  which  are  attached 
narrow  pieces  of  linen  covered  with  superstitious  sentences.*  As  a general  rule,  at 
each  corner  of  the  house  there  is  a small  tower,  on  the  top  of  which  is  an  earthen 
vase,  in  which  every  morning  the  devout  burn  in  honor  of  the  devil,  sweet-smelling 
wood,  little  twigs  of  cypress  or  pine.t  Ninety-nine  times  out  of  a hundred  the 
stairway  is  only  a long  log  of  wood  6 or  8 inches  broad  and  4 or  5 thick,  on  one 
side  of  which  and  7 or  8 inches  apart  are  notches  about  2 or  3 inches  deep,  just 
enough  to  rest  half  the  foot  in  when  going  up  sideways.  The  people  prefer  these 
ladders  to  ordinary  stairways  because  in  case  of  an  attack  by  robbers  they  can 
draw  them  up  and  defend  themselves  better.  It  is  also  as  a measure  of  safety  that 
they  are  careful  to  have  only  one  door  leading  into  the  courtyard,  and  no  windows 
on  the  ground  floor.  (C.  H.  Desgodius,  Le  Thibet,  pp.  379-381.) 

Cunningham,  speaking  of  the  houses  of  Ladak,  says: 

*Georgi,  Aphabetum  tibetanum,  p.  509,  calls  these  “ tarpoch’e  arbor  salutaris, 
depulsoria  mali.” 

t Conf.  Land  of  the  Lamas,  p.  248. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


707 


The  houses  usually  consist  of  2 or  3 stories  and  sometimes  of  4.  The  foundations 
and  lower  parts  of  the  walls  are  built  of  stone,  the  upper  walls  of  large  sun-dried 
bricks,  20  by  10  by  6 inches.  In  the  better  houses  some  of  the  rooms  are  of  consid- 
erable size,  25  feet  long  and  18  broad,  but  they  are  always  very  low,  the  highest 
not  exceeding  74  or  8 feet.  The  roofs  of  these  large  rooms  are  always  supported  by 
plain  wooden  pillars.  The  roof  is  formed  of  poplar  spars  5 or  6 inches  in  diameter, 
peeled  white,  and  laid  only  1 to  14  feet  apart.  The  beams  are  covered  in  with  small, 
straight  pieces  of  poplar  branches  about  1 inch  in  diameter,  peeled  white,  and 
placed  touching  each  other.*  Generally  they  are  laid  straight  across  the  beams, 
but  sometimes  at  different  angles,  in  the  alternate  intervals,  so  as  to  form  a pattern 
like  herring  bones.  The  whole  is  then  covered  with  a layer  of  leaves  and  a thick 
coat  of  well-beaten  clay.  The  doors  are  generally  of  earth,  but  the  better  sort  are 
paved  with  small  slit  pebbles,  about  the  size  of  turkey’s  eggs,  set  in  clay  with  the 
flat  surface  upward.  They  form  a clean,  hard',  smooth,  and  lasting  floor. 

The  principal  room  generally  has  a balcony  toward  either  the  south  or  the  west 
from  10  to  20  feet  in  length  and  usually  about  2\  feet  in  width,  where  the  family  sit 
to  enjoy  the  sun  in  the  winter  season.  The  doors  are  mere  rough  planks  of  wood, 
joined  together  by  wooden  tenons,  and  sometimes  strengthened  by  crossbars  fastened 
by  wooden  pins.  Purdahs  or  wadded  curtains  are  also  used  as  an  additional  means 
of  excluding  the  cold  wind,t  but  when  the  doors  are  shut  there  is  only  a dim  light 
admitted  into  the  apartments  through  one  or  two  loopholes,  which  are  closed  with 
small  shutters  at  night.  * * * In  Ladak  the  upper  story  is  usually  reached  by 

a flight  of  earthen  steps,  but  in  Lahul  by  the  sloping  trunk  of  a tree  notched  into 
steps.  (Alex.  Cunningham,  Ladak,  pp.  313,314.) 

Iii  the  mountainous  and  well-timbered  regions  of  western  Kan-su, 
inhabited  by  Tibetans,  log  houses  of  one  story  are  much  used,  and  in 
portions  of  eastern  Tibet  the  second  story  of  many  of  the  houses  is 
made  of  logs.  This  work  is,  in  most  cases,  done  by  Chinese  carpenters. 

As  regards  the  houses  of  eastern  Tibet  and  such  other  portions  of 
the  country  as  I have  visited,  there  is  absolutely  no  furniture  in  them. 
Sometimes  a log  of  wood,  roughly  squared,  or  a low  Chinese  table  is 
found  near  the  hearth,  the  smoke  from  which  escapes  as  best  it  can 
through  a hole  in  the  ceiling  or  by  the  low  door  and  little  windows. 
Some  houses  coutain  furnaces  or  cooking  stoves,  similar  to  those  used 
in  the  black  tents,  on  which  the  kettles  boil  over  a dung  or  wood  tire. 
In  others  there  are  large,  open  hearths,  in  the  center  of  each  of  which 
are  three  stones  to  rest  the  pot  on.  The  simplicity  of  the  nomad  is 
found  in  all  the  appointments  of  the  agricultural  Tibetan’s  house. 
(Laud  of  the  Lamas,  pp.  191-195,  Comp.  C.  R.  Markham,  Narrative  of 
the  mission  of  Geo.  Bogle,  p.  122.) 

The  houses  of  the  people  of  Bhutan  differ  principally  from  those  pre- 
viously described  in  the  roofs,  which  are  made  of  “shingles  of  pine,  5 
or  6 feet  in  length,  laid  over- a framework  and  kept  in  their  place  with 
stones.  The  slope  is,  of  course,  very  inconsiderable,  otherwise  the  stones 
would  roll  off.  * * * The  appearance  of  the  houses  is  precisely  that 

of  Swiss  cottages.  They  are  singularly  picturesque  and  comfortable,  and 

*AVhen  a house  has  been  used  for  a year  or  more  the  ceilings  become  a shining  black 
color  from  the  smoke  of  the  fires. 

1 These  are  also  used  m parts  of  eastern  Tibet,  where  they  have  been  introduced 
by  the  Chinese.  Felt  or  wadded  door  curtains  are  used  all  over  northern  China. 


708 


report  of  national  museum,  1893. 


the  only  drawback  is  a want  of  chimneys;  but  the  Bootauese  do  not 
know  how  to  construct  these,  and  the  smoke  finds  its  way  out  as  best 
it  can.”  (Ashley  Eden,  Report  on  the  State  of  Bootan,  p.  121.) 

Tibetan  houses  are  lit  by  mean  s of  small  lamps  {mar  me  or  zumar)  filled 
with  butter  in  which  a little  cotton  wick  is  stuck.  Sometimes  this 
lamp  is  of  brass  or  copper  and  is  about  3i  inches  high.  Lamps  of  the 
same  pattern  are  used  on  altars  in  temples,  where  one  will  frequently 
see  long  rows  of  them,  several  hundred  in  number,  burning  before  the 
sacred  images.  Other  lamps  are  but  small  earthenware  saucers  or  cups, 
in  design  similar  to  the  brass  ones.  Besides  this  mode  of  lighting  the 
house  the  only  other  which  I have  seen  consisted  in  chips  of  pitch 
pine  burnt  on  a fiat  stone,  put  in  the  middle  of  the  room.  As  a general 
rule,  Tibetans  go  to  sleep  as  soon  as  it  becomes  dark,  and  in  many  houses 
there  are  not  even  to  be  found  the  primitive  lamps  above  described. 

The  kettles  used  in  Tibetan  households,  whether  it  be  among  tent 
dwellers  or  people  living  in  houses,  are  the  same ; they  are  usually 
rather  flat  and  thin  so  that  they  can  be  easily  heated  by  a dry  dung 
fire,  as  dung  is  the  only  kind  of  fuel  available  in  the  greater  part  of  the 
country.  These  kettles,  several  of  which  are  in  the  Museum  collections, 
vary  in  size  from  8 to  10  inches  in  diameter  to  21  inches  or  eveu  more. 
The  Skigatse  kettles,  which  are  all  tapering  from  the  middle  toward 
the  bottom  so  as  to  fit  in  the  holes  on  the  cooking  stoves,  are  frequently 
of  very  large  dimensions  in  the  houses  of  the  rich  and  in  lamaseries. 
I have  seen  some  over  2 feet  in  diameter.  The  rounded  form  is  in 
general  use  in  Mongolia,  northern  and  eastern  Tibet,  though  in  the  two 
latter  countries  it  is  usually  without  handles.  Most  of  the  copper  ket- 
tles in  use  in  eastern  Tibet,  Bat’ang,  Lit’ang,  etc.,  are  made  in  China 
in  the  Chien-cli’ang  (in  southwest  Ssu-cli’uau).  Those  used  in  the 
Kokonor  and  adjacent  countries  are  also  made  by  the  Chinese  of  Hsi- 
ning  and  Sung-p’an  (see  Diary  of  a Journey,  etc.,  p.  96). 

In  some  parts  of  the  country  near  Ladak,  and  which  are  inhabited  by 
tent  dwellers,  large  stone  vessels  are  also  in  use.  In  the  report  of 
Nain  Singh’s  journey  of  1873,  when  speaking  of  the  people  inhabiting 
the  tablelands  in  northwest  Tibet,  it  is  said — 

At  the  permanent  camps  they  had  large  caldrons,  generally  made  of  stone ; in 
these  they  used  to  make  a very  weak  soup,  into  which  they  threw  a handful  of  flour. 
At  their  smaller  camps  they  cook  in  smaller  vessels  made  of  stone  or  copper,  both 
of  which  are  imported  from  Ladakh.  All  articles  of  copper  or  iron  are  very  much 
valued.  * * * (Jour.  Roy.  Geog.  Soc.,  xlvii,  p.  93 ; Conf.  Win.  Moorcroft,  Travels, 

I,  p.  397.) 

Among  the  other  household  utensils  represented  in  the  Museum  col- 
lections are  small  birch  bark  pails,  in  use  wherever  the  tree  is  found 
growing,  in  northwest  Kan-su,  in  Bat’ang  and  Sikkim,  and  closely 
resembling  those  made  by  the  Ainu.  There  are  also  small,  round 
wooden  boxes  with  tops,  turned  by  the  Chinese  m Yun-nan,  and  used  to 
keep  salt  or  red  pepper  ( latze ) m,  brass  ladles,  and  bellows  made  of 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  16. 


WlCKERWARE  BOX. 

Pattern,  red  and  black  ; made  of  mountain  bamboo. 
Cat.  No.  167287,  U.  S.  N.  M.  PoyiU. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET 


709 


tanned  goatskin.  In  this  latter  implement  an  iron  nozzle  about  ISinclies 
in  length  is  tied  in  the  skin  of  one  of  the  legs,  the  skin  is  cut  off  at  the 
fore  legs,  and  the  opening  left  by  the  other  hind  leg  is  sewed  up.  The 
mouth  of  the  bag  is  held  with  the  left  hand  stretched  out  from  the 
body,  and  with  the  right  hand  the  open  end  is  opened  and  shut; 
when  filled  with  air  the  right  baud  is  held  firmly  against  the  body  and 
the  left  arm,  against  which  the  closed  mouth  of  the  bag  presses,  is 
lowered,  and  the  air  thus  expelled  through  the  nozzle.  These  bellows, 
called  kumo.  are  used  throughout  Tibet  in  camp  as  well  as  in  the  houses. 
In  some  of  the  lower  valleys  near  regions  where  the  bamboo  grows,  a 
simple  bamboo  tube  is  used  instead,  and  through  it  the  cook  blows  the 
fire,  applying  the  tube  against  his  mouth.  This  simple  contrivance  is 
used  also  throughout  Ssu-ch’uan. 

The  Lh'asan  iron  padlock  ( dongpa ) has  the  hasp  armed  with  4 springs, 
and  slides  inside  the  lock  until  the  springs  have  passed  2 shoulders  on 
the  inside  which  catch  and  secure  it.  By  means  of  a forked  key  worked 
horizontally  on  slides  along  the  under  side  of  the  lock,  the  springs  of 
the  hasp  are  pressed  down  from  the  shoulders  and  the  hasp  flies  out. 
The  key  is  quite  complex,  owing  to  the  number  of  guides  along  which 
it  must  pass  in  order  to  move  the  spring.  These  guides  vary  in  each 
lock,  and  the  lock  is  copied  on  those  in  general  use  throughout  China 
(see  Diary  of  a Journey,  etc.,  p.  281). 

Wickerware  is  never  used  among  the  tent-dwelling  Tibetans,  and 
none  of  that  which  I have  seen  in  other  parts  of  the  country  was  made 
by  the  people'tliemselves.  In  Poyul,  in  southern  Tibet,  the  people  of 
which  are  not  pure  Tibetans,  very  pretty  wickerwork  is  made.  PI.  16 
shows  the  usual  shape  of  a little  covered  basket  which  comes  from 
that  country.  It  is  made  of  white,  black,  yellow,  and  red  strips  of 
cane  woven  in  diagonal  pattern.  In  shape  the  basket  is  cylindrical, 
11  inches  in  diameter  and  1 inch  deep;  the  cover  fits  over  the  bottom. 
I have  also  seen  joints  of  bamboo  covered  with  similar  wickerwork  and 
made  in  the  same  country.  They  are  used  to  keep  ch’ang  in. 

The  Tibetans  in  some  parts  of  the  country  make  very  coarse  crates 
of  a truncated  pyramidal  form  which  they  carry  on  their  backs;  they 
use  them  principally  to  collect  dry  dung  in.  The  tea  strainers  pre- 
viously referred  to  are  made  either  by  the  Chinese  or  by  the  people 
living  near  the  Indian  border.  In  the  various  books  of  travel  to  which 
1 have  had  access,  I have  found  no  mention  of  wickerware  in  Tibet,  and 
the  various  names  giving  different  forms  of  baskets  by  Mr.  Jaeschke 
in  his  dictionary  (pe-ra,  “a  flat  basket;”  gzed-ma , “a  box-shaped  basket 
with  lid;”  tse-po  or  tseJ-po , “a  basket  carried  on  the  back;”  bag-tse , “a 
little  basket  for  wool  or  clews  of  wool,”)  are  nearly  all  peculiar  to 
portions  of  the  country  in  close  proximity  to  India. 

Tobacco. — Tobacco  is  in  general  use  in  Tibet,  but  probably  from  the 
fact  that  lamas  are  only  allowed  to  take  it  in  the  form  of  snuff,  this 
mode  of  using  the  weed  is  much  more  popular  than  smoking.  The 


710 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


tobacco  used  comes  from  either  China,  Bhutan,  Sikkim  or  Nepaul,  that 
from  Bhutan  being,  as  I understand  it,  greatly  preferred.  This  tobacco 
is,  however,  rather  expensive  and  strong,  so  it  is  frequently  used  for 
smoking  either  mixed  with  the  leaves  of  the  rhubarb  plant,  or  the  latter 
substance  is  even  used  pure  in  its  stead.  This  substitute  for  tobacco 
is  in  great  demand  in  Tibet  among  smokers,  and  is  exported  from  Lh’asa, 
or  the  countries  to  the  southwest  of  it  rather,  where  the  plant  is  found,  all 
over  eastern  Tibet  where  it  is  called  Lh'asa  tfob-cho.  Snuff  is  made  in 
the  country  or  imported  from  China;  the  latter  variety  is,  however,  too 
much  perfumed  to  suit  the  Tibetan  taste.  Frequently,  to  make  the 
snuff  milder,  ashes  are  mixed  with  it.  In  the  northeastern  part  of 
Tibet  well-polished  ox  horns  are  used  to  hold  the  snuff,  several  examples 
of  which  are  shown  on  pi.  17. * One  of  these  is  handsomely  orna- 

mented with  silver  bands,  bits  of  coral,  and  turquoise.  In  other  parts 
of  the  country  (among  the  K’amba  of  northeastern  Tibet  for  example), 
the  coarsely  pounded  tobacco  is  put  in  a leather  pouch,  and  when  a 
pinch  is  wanted  the  finer  particles  are  scraped  off  the  sides  with  a knife. 

In  Lh’asa  a snuffbox  is  made  of  wood  of  oblate-spheroid  shape, 
across  the  interior  of  which  is  stretched  a tine  cloth  sieve.  The  coarse 
tobacco  is  put  in  the  top  of  the  box  through  a hole  made  for  that  pur- 
pose, and  by  lightly  striking  the  box  on  the  knee  the  finer  parts  are 
sifted  through  into  the  lower  compartment.  By  a little  hole  in  the 
lower  part  of  the  box  the  snuff  is  poured  out  onto  the  nail  of  the  left 
thumb  held  against  the  index,  and  is  thus  inhaled  daily  in  enormous 
quantities.  PI.  18  shows  a fine  specimen  of  this  kind  of  snuffbox. 
Women  use  snuff,  but  rarely  smoke;  when  they  do,  they  use  the  Chinese 
water  pipe. 

The  tobacco  pipes  used  by  the  Tibetans  are  usually  of  Chinese  make, 
the  bowls  of  brass,  iron,  or  white  copper  (pi.  19,  figs.  1 and  2),  the  stem 
of  bamboo  and  about  2 feet  long.  Mouthpieces  are  not  usually  used. 
I have  only  seeu  three  kinds  of'pipes  of  purely  Tibetan  manufacture;  one, 
in  use  among  the  Panaka,  is  made  of  the  horn  of  the  antelope  ( huang 
yang),  with  a metallic  mouthpiece  and  a metal  bowl.  Some  of  these 
pipes,  in  which  they  only  smoke  Chinese  water  tobacco,  and  which  are 
a modification  of  the  short  bamboo  pipe  in  use  in  Ssu-ch’uan  for  the 
same  purpose  (as  seen  in  fig.  4),  are  ornamented  with  coral  and  tur- 
quoise beads.  Another  pipe,  in  use  in  Jyade,  is  made  of  a forked  twig; 
the  larger  part  is  hollowed  out,  then  lined  with  iron,  and  this  forms  the 
bowl;  in  the  smaller  and  longer  branch  the  pith  is  removed,  and  this 
constitutes  the  stem.  In  southeastern  Tibet,  in  the  Ts’arong  and  among 
the  Mishmis  and  the  hill  tribes  along  southern  Tibet,  the  root  of  a 
small  mountain  bamboo  is  used  to  make  the  bowl  of  the  pipe,  and  the 
same  plant  supplies  the  stem.  (Fig.  8). 

“Similar  mulls  or  snuff  horns  are  in  use  not  only  in  Scotland,  but  among  the 
Wachaga  of  Kilimanjaro,  in  East  Africa.  (See  Cat.  Nos.  151242,  151243,  and  151244, 
U.  S.  Nat.  Museum.) 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  17. 


Fig.  1.  Chinese  Snuff  Bottle.  Made  of  a small  gourd.  Stopper  and  spoon  of 
ivory. 

(Cat.  No  167256,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  2.  Small  Snuff  Bottle.  Made  of  ox  horn;  band  of  copper  around  lower  edge. 
Ts’aidam  Mongols. 

(Cat.  Xo.  167255,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  3.  Yak  Horn  Snuff  Bottle.  tYith  leather  thong  to  fasten  it  to  the  gown; 
bottom,  of  wood:  stopper,  of  leather.  Ivokonor  Tibetans. 

(Cat.  No.  167263,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  4.  Snuff  Bottle.  Made  of  light  colored  horn.  Extremities,  of  black  horn 
in  which  is  set  ivory,  coral,  and  turquoise  beads.  Stopper,  of  ivory  with 
silver  rings.  Kokonor. 

(Cat.  No.  167183,  U.  S N.  M.) 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1 893,  — Rockhill. 


Plate  17. 


Snuff  Horns. 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893  — Rockhill. 


Plate  18- 


Wooden  Snuff  Box,  with  interior  sieve. 

The  snuff  is  poured  out  through  a hole  shown  at  the  top  of  the  left-hand  figure. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  19. 


Fig.  1.  Mongol  Pipe.  Bowl,  of  white  copper  (Peking  manufacture):  Stem  of 
bamboo.  Mouthpiece  of  silver  (Mongol  manufacture).  Ts’anlam. 

(Cat.  No.  167152.  tX.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  2.  Tibetan  Pipe.  Chinese  white  copper  bowl.  Bamboo  stem.  Bat’aug. 

(Cat.  No.  131319,  U.  S.  N.  M ) 

Fig.  3.  Lissu  Bamboo  Pipe.  Bowl,  of  bamboo  root.  Southeastern  Tibet. 

Cat.  No.  131190,  U.  S.  X.  AI.) 


Fig.  4.  SsO-ch’uan  Bamboo  Pipe.  For  smoking  water  tobacco.  Va-chou  Fu. 
(Cat.  Ku.  167257,  U.  S.  N.  Mj 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893  — Rockhill. 


Plate  19. 


m 


Tibetan  Pipes. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  20. 


Fig.  1.  Embroidered  Tobacco  Pouch.  Red  and  black  cottou.  Ts’aidain 
(Cat.  No.  167258.  U.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  2.  Tibetan  Tobacco  Pouch.  Red  leather  Kanz6. 

(Cat.  Xo.  121019.  U.  S.  X.M.) 

Fig.  3.  Chinese  Tobacco  Pouch.  Black  leather.  Bat’ang. 

(Cat.  Xo.  1G7176,  C.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  4.  Brass  Fire  Cup.  Provided  with  lid.  Ts’aidain. 

(Cat.  Xo.  131204,  U.  S.  X.  II.) 

Fig.  5.  Wooden  Fire  Cup.  Kan-su. 

(Cat.  Xo.  167253,  U.  S.  X.  XI.) 

Tig-  d.  '4  hought-Iron  Fire  Cup.  Provided  with  lid  and  pipe  cleaners  l)erg^. 
(Cat.  Xo.  131319,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893,  — Rockhill. 


Plate  20. 


Tobacco  Pouches  and  Fire  Holders. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


711 


Smokers  carry  their  tobacco  in  long  red  leather  pouches  (pi.  20,  fig.  2), 
or  in  the  black  leather  pouches  in  general  use  in  China  (fig.  3).  To 
these  are  suspended  a small  metal  or  wooden  fire  bowl  (figs.  4-6)  and  a 
pipe  cleaner.  The  pipe  is  usually  carried  passed  through  the  belt,  iu 
front  of  the  person,  and  the  pouch  either  hangs  from  the  belt,  or,  when  a 
short  pipe  is  used,  it  is  stuck  iu  the  pouch  and  both  are  carried  inside 
the  gown. 

Those  among  the  Tibetans  who  smoke  the  water  pipe  use  the  Chinese 
pipe,  or  else  the  short  wooden  hubble-bubble  in  use  in  Kashmir.  The 
tobacco  used  in  water  pipes  is  prepared  in  China,  in  Ssu-ch’uan  and 
Kan-su,  that  coming  from  Lan-cliou,  in  the  latter  province,  being  con- 
sidered the  best;  its  preparation  I have  described  in  Land  of  the  Lamas 
(pp.  34-35).  Ur.  Hooker,  iu  his  Himalayan  Journals  (II,  p.  152),  tells  us 
that  the  Pliipunof  Lamteng.in  Sikkim,  “was  an  inveterate  smoker,  using 
a pale,  mild  tobacco,  mixed  largely  with  leaves  of  the  small  wild  Tibetan 
rhubarb,  called ‘chula.’  Snuff,  he  says  elsewhere  (n,  p.  232),  is  little 
used,  and  is  principally  procured  from  the  plains  of  India.” 

VI. 

AGRICULTURE — WEAPONS — HUNTING — MUSIC — DANCING. 

Throughout  Tibet  the  only  instruments  of  husbandry  are  the  hoe  and 
the  plow.  The  former  is  usually  made  entirely  of  wood.  The  handle, 
about  30  inches  long,  is  slightly  curved,  and  on  the  natural  bend  at  the 
end  of  the  handle  is  tied  a pointed  wooden  blade  (see  Diary  of  a Journey, 
etc.,  p.  362).  The  plow  is  of  the  same  rude  description,  and  is  without 
even  a share  in  most  parts  of  the  country.  It  is  drawn  by  oue  yak;  a 
yoke  or  stick  resting  on  its  neck  is  fastened  to  the  plow.  A man  leads 
the  yak  and  another  guides  the  plow,  scratching  slightly  the  soil.  For 
harvesting  a rude  sickle  is  used,  consisting  in  a handle  about  18  inches 
long,  in  which  a short  iron  blade  is  set  at  right  angle.  The  flail  is  in 
use  in  some  parts  of  the  ^country,  but  as  a general  rule  the  grain  is 
thrashed  out  by  goats  or  ponies  driven  over  it,  and  is  afterwards 
winnowed  on  the  housetops.  (See,  for  further  information  on  the  sub- 
ject, C.  II.  Desgodins,  Le  Thibet,  p.  397.) 

Irrigation  is  well  understood  in  Tibet  and  is  extensively  used.  (See 
Pemberton’s  Report  on  Bootan,  p.  66.)  Among  the  Tibetans  of  Xorth- 
west  Kan  su  water  is  carried  considerable  distances  across  valleys  in 
troughs  dug  in  logs  supported  by  light  trestlework,  and  this  system 
is  also  found  in  many  portions  of  southern  Tibet.  The  fields  are  usually 
fenced  either  with  brush,  poles,  or  low  stone  walls. 

Weapons. — The  bow  is  apparently  not  a Tibetan  weapon,  as  all  those 
in  use  in  the  country  are  imported  from  China  or  Bhutan.  The  quiver, 
bow  case,  and  all  the  accouterments  are  purely  Chinese  or  Bhutanese 
in  style.  The  usual  length  of  the  Chinese  bow  (dsn  in  Tibetan)  is  about 
5 feet,  and  the  arrow  (da),  2 feet  6 inches.  PI.  21  shows  the  best 
arrangement  of  these  articles.  This  specimen  is  a beautiful  piece  of 


712 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


workmanship;  the  leather  used  is  red  Russian  (bulgar in  Tibetan),  and 
the  metal  work  very  highly  finished  and  thickly  gilt.* 

The  Tibetan  sword. is  of  two  kinds.  Botlqare  straight  and  of  iron,  but 
in  one  kind  the  extremity  of  the  blade  runs  to  a sharp  point;  in  the 
other  (copied  from  the  Chinese)  the  point  is  oblique,  like  the  Japanese 
and  Chinese  swords.  The  average  length  of  the  blade  of  Tibetan 
swords  is  25  inches.  Fig.  3 of  pi.  22  shows  a fine  sword  of  the  latter 
pattern,  made  in  Poyul.  The  hilt  is  covered  with  shagreen,  and 
in  the  pommel,  which  is  of  iron,  wires  of  brass  and  copper  have 
been  set  in  the  metal.  The  scabbard  is  of  wood  covered  with  shagreen 
and  plain  bands  of'  silver  extend  half  its  length.  The  upper  half 
of  the  scabbard  is  covered  with  red  cloth,  a strap  fastened  to  the 
scabbard  near  the  hilt  passes  around  the  wearer’s  waist,  and  the  sword 
is  worn  in  front  of  the  person,  as  are  nearly  all  Tibetan  swords.  In 
Lit’ ang,  Ch’amdo  and  a few  other  localities,  however,  a variety  of  sword 
is  made  which  is  worn  in  Chinese  fashion,  hanging  from  the  left  side 
(see  Diary  of  a Journey,  etc.,  p.  330),  but  the  usual  Tibetan  mode  of 
carrying  a sword  is  passed  in  the  belt  in  front  so  that  the  right  hand 
rests  on  the  hilt.  Fig.  2 represents  a sword  with  a rough  wooden 
scabbard,  and  was  manufactured  in  the  Horba  country,  in  eastern 
Tibet.  It  is  in  shape  like  the  preceding. 

In  Land  of  the  Lamas  (p.  257)  is  figured  a fine  sword  of  Derge  make. 
The  scabbard  and  hilt  are  highly  ornamented  with.repoitsse  silver  work, 
in  which  are  set  coral  beads.  The  edges  of  the  scabbard  are  protected 
by  a rim  of  iron.  This  style  of  sword  is  the  most  highly  prized  of  any 
in  Tibet,  and  large  sums  of  money  ($100  to  $150)  are  frequently  paid 
for  them.  (PI.  22,  fig.  1.) 

The  Tibetan  matchlock  gun  (me- da  or  pao;  the  latter  is  a Chinese- 
term)  has  a barrel  about  48  inches  long  with  a half-inch  bore.  The 
stock  is  of  wood,  sometimes  covered  with  wild  ass  skin,  and  extends  to 
near  the  muzzle  of  the  barrel.  This  gnu  and  the  accouterments  to  be 
described  are  shown  on  pi.  23.  A wooden  ramrod  fits  in  the  stock, 
and  the  barrel  is  fastened  into  it  by  either  rawhide  thongs  or  brass 
wire.  Through  the  stock,  about  0 inches  behind  the  breech  of  the  gun, 
passes  a trigger,  the  upper  end  of  which  is  forked  so  as  to  hold  a slow- 
match  of  plaited  cotton  soaked  in  powder  and  then  dried.  The  lower 
end  of  the  trigger  projects  slightly  beyond  the  lower  side  of  the  stock 
so  that  the  match  can  be  depressed  onto  the  pan.  The  unused  part 
of  the  slow-match  is  held  in  a leather  case  on  the  right  side  of  the 
stock  from  which  it  passes  out  by  a small  iron  tube.  It  is  held  firm  in 
the  fork  of  the  trigger  by  a strap  fixed  on  the  left  side  of  the  stock  to 
a small  ring.  The  powder  in  the  pan  is  in  like  fashion  protected  by  a 
leather  cover.  Attached  to  the  muzzle  of  the  gun  by  a bolt  is  a long 
wooden  fork  ( ra-jo ) with  iron  or  antelope  horn  tips.  When  the  gun  is 

*See  also  Capt.  Turner's  remarks,  p.  714  of  tlie  present  paper. 


Plate  21. 


Report  of  National  Museum.  1893. — Rockhill. 


Archer’S  Equipment. 

Bow  and  arrows,  of  Chinese  make.  Quiver,  bow-ease  and  belt  of  Russian  leather.  Quiver  lined 
with  red  cloth.  Upper  part,  of  stamped  leather,  decorated  with  gold  nails,  having  coral  beads 
in  center.  Belt  wadded. 

This  form  of  bow  and  arrows  is  used  in  China,  Mongolia,  and  Tibet. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  22 


Swords  and  Scabbards. 


Fig.  1.  Dergf.  Sword  and  Scabbard.  Large  coral  beads  set  in  handle  and  scab- 
bard. Ornamentation  in  silver.  Iron  guards  along  the  edge  of  the  scab- 
bard. Derge. 

(Cat.  >ro.  131321,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  2.  Sword  and  Wooden  Scabbard.  Handle,  of  repousse  brass.  Dawo. 

(Cat.  No.  131041.  XT.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  3.  Sword  and  Scabbard.  Scabbard  and  handle  of  sword  covered  iushagreen. 

Scabbard  ornauaeDted  with  bands  ot  silver  and  with  iron  guards.  I o>ul. 
(Cat.  Xo.  107301.  D.  S.  X M.) 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  22. 


Swords  and  Scabbards. 


• - ' ' •- . . 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  23. 


Gun  and  accoutrements. 


Fig.  1.  Matchlock  with  Fork.  Ts’aidam. 
(Cat.  No.  131042,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 


Fig.  2.  Red  Leather  Belt.  Studded  with  brass  nails,  with  bullet  pouch  and  bag 
for  powder  horn,  etc.  Dergf. 

(Cat.  No.  167201,  U.  S.  N.  M ) 


Fig.  3.  Brass  Chargers.  Ts’aidam. 


Fig.  4.  Powder  Flask.  Made  of  Ovis  poli  horn  Ts’aidam. 
(Cat,  No.  167260.  U.  S.  X.  M.) 


Fig.  5.  Powder  Horn,  Leather.  Covered  with  felt.  Ts’aidaiu. 
(Cat.  Xo.  167285,  U.  S.  N M.| 

Fig.  6.  Powder  Horn.  Made  of  boiled  leather.  Ts’aidam. 

(Cat,  No.  131183,  U.  S.N  M.) 

Fig.  7.  Horn  Primer.  Eastern  Tibet. 

(Cat.  Xo.  107285,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 


Report  of  National  Museum.  1893.  — Rockhill. 


Plate  23. 


Gun  and  accoutrements. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


713 


being  used  this  fork  rests  on  the  ground  and  the  marksman  shoots 
kneeling  or  even  lying  down. 

Most  Tibetans  carry  a number  of  horn  or  brass  chargers  around  their 
necks  or  in  their  bosoms,  and  in  a leather  bag  hanging  from  a belt  on 
their  right  side  is  a horn  primer,  which  can  be  opened  by  a bit  of  thin 
elastic  horn  which  covers  the  end,  also  a powder  horn,  frequently  made 
of  the  horn  of  an  ovis  poll,  or  of  wood  covered  with  leather.  In 
another  small  pouch  hanging  from  the  same  belt,  but  on  the  left  side, 
is  kept  a supply  of  leaden  bullets. 

The  gun  described  is  a good  specimen  of  the  matchlocks  used  in 
eastern  Tibet  and  among  the  Ts’aidam  Mongols.  Guns  mounted  by 
these  latter  people  are  much  prized  in  parts  of  Tibet,  as  they  are  much 
lighter  than  any  others. 

The  stock  and  lower  end  of  the  gun  are  kept  wrapped  in  a waterproof 
case  of  different  colored  woolen  cloths  or  in  a case  of  pulo  or  one  made 
of  marmot  skin  or  simply  in  a piece  of  felt. 

The  barrels  of  all  Tibetan  guns  are  imported  from  either  China  or 
India,  the  Tibetans  not  being  able  apparently  to  make  them,  though 
those  1 have  seen  were  of  very  rough  workmanship  and  far  from  being 
true.* 

Dr.  Griffiths  (Journal,  p.  16fi)  says  that  the  matchlocks  used  in 
Bhutan  are  of  Chinese  manufacture  but  gun  forks  are  not  used  among 
this  people.  Nain  Singh,  speaking  of  the  nomads  of  northwestern  Tibet, 
says: 

Most  families  possess  a matchlock,  generally  of  Nepal  manufacture,  and  the  men  of 
the  Eudokh  district  seldom  move  about  without  either  a gun  or  a bow  and  arrows, 
in  the  use  of  which  latter  they  are  very  expert.  (Journ.  Roy  Geog.  Soc.,  xlvii, 
p.  93.) 

To  the  fork  of  their  gun  Tibetans  often  attach  a small  piece  of  white 
cotton  cloth  on  which  are  printed  magic  formulas,  and  it  is  customary 
among  the  wilder  tribes  to  smear  the  stock  of  the  gun  with  some  of  the 
blood  of  any  animal  they  may  kill.  This,  as  explained  to  me,  was  u for 
good  luck.” 

The  spear  (dung)  is  a weapon  in  common  use  in  Tibet,  especially 
among  the  black-tent  people.  It  varies  in  leugth  from  feet  to  10  or 
12  feet.  One  in  my  possession  (See  Diary  of  a Journey,  etc.,  p.  170), 
made  in  Poyul,  has  a shaft  5 feet  7£  inches  long;  the  point  is  of  iron, 
the  shaft  fitting  into  a socket  at  its  end.  The  point  is  a long,  nar- 
row two-edged  blade.  The  butt  of  the  shaft  has  a heavy  iron  shoe. 
A strong  band  of  iron  is  coiled  around  the  shaft  its  whole  length; 
this  device  is  resorted  to  throughout  the  country  to  strengthen  the 
shaft,  for  making  which  the  country  supplies  no  good  wood.  The  shaft 
of  the  spear  in  my  possession  appears  to  be  of  cocoanut  wood. 

* Kashmir  produces  fine  gun  barrels.  In  all  likelihood  many  are  imported  into 
Tibet.  On  their  manufacture,  see  Moorcroft,  Travels,  ii,  203-213. 


714 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


The  Tibetans  are  very  expert  in  using  the  sling  ( orta , 01  ..vjcord- 

ing  to  Jaesehke),  and  among  the  tent  dwellers  and  the  people  of  the 
more  remote  localities,  one  is  always  seen  hanging  from  the  belt  of  both 
men  and  women.  It  is  made  of  wool  and  hair  mixed;  one  string  ter- 
minates in  a leash,  and  the  instrument  is  also  used  as  a whip  in  driving 
sheep  or  cattle  (see  Diary  of  a Journey,  etc.,  p.  264).  I have  seen  time 
and  again  a stone  thrown  a distance  of  over  300  yards  from  one  of 
these  slings. 

Hunting  is  not  allowed  in  many  parts  of  Tibet,  it  being  forbidden  by 
the  religion  of  the  country  to  take  animal  life.  In  the  remoter  parts 
and  in  eastern  Tibet  generally,  the  people  hunt,  however,  yak,  deer, 
antelope,  and  especially  musk  deer. 

I^aiii  Singh  says: 

The  Champas  are  keen  in  the  pursuit  of  game,  which  they  kill  in  large  quantities, 
partly  with  iirearms  and  bows  and  arrows,  but  chiefly  with  a kind  of  trap  called 
Redokh  chum,  very  similar  in  principle  to  an  English  rat  trap.  It  consists  of  a ring 
made  of  rope,  to  whose  inner  surface  are  attached  elastic  sharp-pointed  slips  of 
wood  converging  toward  the  center  of  the  ring,  where  a space  is  left  sufficiently 
large  to  allow  the  passage  through  it  of  the  animal’s  foot.  Small  holes  are  dug  in 
the  ground  near  the  water  which  the  wild  animals  are  known  to  frequent.  These 
traps  are  placed  at  the  top,  hidden  from  view  by  a covering  of  earth,  and  attached 
by  a strong  rope,  also  concealed  from  view,  to  a stout  peg,  which  is  driven  into  tbe 
ground  at  a considerable  distance  off.  The  animals  on  their  way  to  the  water  pas3 
over  the  holes,  and  the  weight  of  the  body  drives  the  foot  through  the  ring.  Once 
through,  it  is  impossible  for  the  animal  to  free  his  foot  from  the  trap,  and  he  soon 
falls  a victim  to  the  sword  and  spear  of  the  hunter,  who  lies  concealed  somewhere  in 
the  neighborhood.  Great  numbers  of  wild  horses,  sheep,  and  antelopes  are  killed 
in  this  manner.  (Journ.  Roy.  Geo.  Soc.,  xlvii,  p.  94.)* 

Capt.  Samuel  Turner  says  of  the  father  of  the  then  Panchen  Rin- 
poche  lama  of  Tashilunpo: 

I found  Gyap  to  be  not  only  a lover  of  manly  sports  and  martial  exercises,  but 
also  a perfect  connoisseur  on  the  subject  of  arms.  His  collection  was  exhibited, 
and  he  liberally  descanted  on  the  peculiar  merits  of  each  weapon.  There  were  arrows 
famed  for  their  remote  and  steady  flight,  which  had  names  inscribed  on  each  of 
them,  and  places  assigned  to  them  in  a quiver,  in  separate  cells.  He  honored  me 
with  a present  of  three  of  these,  and  a large  Chinese  bow,  near  5 feet  in  length, 
made  of  the  horns  of  buffaloes,  which  he  had  used,  he  said,  for  many  years.  * * * 

His  own  favorite  bows  were  of  bamboo,  a species  produced  in  the  mountains  bor- 
dering upon  Tibet,  of  great  strength,  and  almost  entirely  solid.  The  bow  is  framed 
from  two  pieces  of  bamboo,  split  off  next  the  outside;  the  inner  sides  of  which, 
after  being  well  fitted,  are  united  together  by  many  strong  bands.  Gyap  put  one  of 
these  bows  into  my  hands,  which,  when  bent,  was  of  extreme  tension.  I was  unable 
to  draw  the  arrow,  but  taking  it  himself,  he  pointed  it  at  a mark  upon  the  opposite 
hill,  at  a distance,  as  I judged,  of  500  or  600  yards.  I could  not  trace  the  flight  of 
the  arrow,  though  steadily  intent  upon  it,  when  he  discharged  it.  * * * He 

mentioned  also  the  dexterity  with  which  a horseman  here  would  dismount  his  adver- 
sary, particularly  when  in  pursuit,  by  means  ol  a running  noose.  (Turner,  Embassy 
to  the  Court  of  the  Teslioo  Lama,  pp.  311,  342.) 

*One  of  these  traps  is  figured  in  Capt.  H.  Bower’s  Diary  of  a Journey  through 
Tibet,  p.  117.  From  this  we  further  learn  that  the  converging  slips  in  the  trap  are  not 
of  wood  but  of  horn.  It  is  interesting  to  find  an  identical  trap  used  by  the  Shuli 
near  Khartum  on  the  Nile.  (F.  Ratzel,  Volkerkunde,  i,  p.  504.) 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


715 


Mi  cal  ..  atnments. — Exclusive  of  the  musical  instruments  used  in 
religious  worship,  which  will  be  described  in  another  section,  the  only 
instruments  I have  seen  or  heard  of  among  the  Tibetans  are,  first,  the 
whistle  ( ling-bu ),  (pi.  24,  figs.  1-3)  made  of  bamboo  or  the  bone  of  an 
eagle’s  wing,  and  with  0 or  7 keyholes;  second,  the  jew’s-harp  (le'a-pi) 
(figs.  4-6)  and  third,  the  banjo  or  guitar  ( phcang , Tcopong , or  t Ira-nyan ), 
with  3 or  more  strings. 

The  jew's-harp  is  made  not  by  the  Tibetans,  but  by  the  Lissus  and 
other  non-Tibetan  tribes  inhabiting  southeast  Tibet,  and  is  a favorite 
instrument  in  eastern  Tibet,  where  nearly  all  the  women  carry  one 
suspended  from  their  girdles.  Three  harps  are  used  simultaneously, 
each  giving  a different  note;  the  deepest  note  is  called  p'o  Ted  or  u male 
sound,”  the  intermediate  one  ding  Ted  or  ‘‘  middle  sound,”  the  sharpest 
one  mo  Ted  or  ‘‘female  sound.”  They  are  held  the  one  below  the  other  in 
the  order  above  given  between  the  thumb  and  the  index  of  the  left 
hand,  and  struck  with  all  the  fingers  of  the  right  hand,  the  one  after 
the  other.  These  Te'api  are  carried  in  small  bamboo  cases  ornamented 
with  little  rings  of  bamboo,  often  dyed,  and  also  with  geometric  carv- 
ings, which  are  also  colored.  They  are  shown  in  the  lower  portion  of 
this  plate.* 

The  banjo  or  guitar  is  similar  to  that  instrument  in  China  and  Kash- 
mir, being  round-bodied  and  long-armed.  Desgodins  (Le  Thibet,  p. 
393)  mentions  a rude  one  with  only  2 strings,  which  are  struck  by 
means  of  a plectrum. 

Capt.  Turner,  in  the  work  previously  cited  (p.  343),  says: 

Gyap  gave  into  my  hand  a flageolet,  and  desired  me  to  use  it.  I was  unable.  He 
then  took  it,  and  accompanied  Gyeung  upon  the  cittaur  (a  stringed  instrument, 
something  resembling  a guitar)  and  they  played  several  pleasing  airs  together.  At 
length,  Gyeung  accompanied  the  instruments  with  her  voice,  which  was  by  no 
means  inharmonious;  and  I am  not  ashamed  to  own  that  the  song  she  sung  was 
more  pleasing  to  my  ear  than  an  Italian  air.  * * * Gyap  regretted  his  inability 

to  entertain  me  with  a great  variety  of  instrumental  music,  saying  that  he  was 
obliged  to  leave  behind  him  his  collection  on  leaving  Lassa.  * * * He  told  me 

that  their  music  was  written  down  in  characters,  which  they  learnt. 

The  statement  made  at  the  end  of  the  preceding  quotation  isbigbly 
interesting,  but  I fancy  that  Turner’s  host  only  referred  to  church 
music,  which  is  recorded  by  an  ingenious  system  of  descriptive  nota- 
tion. (See  Land  of  the  Lamas,  it.  88.) 

Vocal  music  is  an  amusement  of  which  all  Tibetans  are  very  fond, 
and  the  power  and  sweetness  of  their  voices  have  been  noted  by  most 
travelers.  (Dr.  J.  D.  Hooker,  Himalayan  Journals,  i,  p.  304,  C.  H.  Des- 
godins, Le  Thibet,  p.  393,  etc.) 

Tibetan  dancing  ( tra-chyam  or  chyam ) is  of  the  most  primitive  kind. 

* Jew’s  harps  similar  to  those  used  in  Tibet  are  found  among  the  Ainu  and  in  New 
Guinea,  but  in  many  other  countries  where  a bamboo  harp  is  used,  the  sound  is  pro- 
duced by  jerking  the  harp  by  a string— this  is  the  case  in  Assam,  in  parts  of  Sumatra, 
among  the  Yakutj,  the  tribe  of  Torres  Straits,  etc. 


716 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


Single  female  dancers  sometimes  perform  while  playing  on  tliejew’s-harp.  . 
In  this  dance  they  shuffle  slowly  about,  without  raising  the  feet,  amt 
keeping  time  to  their  music.  In  other  dances  five  or  ten  men  stand  on 
one  side  holding  hands,  and  facing  them  stand  as  many  women  ue 
line  sings  a verse  while  slowly  moving  forward  and  backward,  then 
the  other  side  does  likewise.  (See  C.  H.  Desgodins,  op.  sup.  cit.,  394, 
aud  Land  of  the  Lamas,  p.  247.)* 

George  Bogle  thus  describes  a dance  he  witnessed  near  Shigatse. 

The  court  held  about  30  dancers,  half  of  them  men,  half  of  them  women.  The 
men  were  dressed  in  different  and  party-colored  clothes,  with  their  largo  slieep’s- 
wool  bonnets,  a hit  of  colored  silk  in  one  hand,  and  a leather  machine,  something 
in  shape  of,  hut  rather  less  than,  a tiddle  at  their  side.  The  women  had  their  faces 
washed,  and  Clean  clothes,  abundance  of  rings  upon  their  fingers,  and  of  coral, 
amber  beads,  bugles,  etc.,  on  their  heads  and  uecks,  and  each  wore  a small  round 
hat,  covered  with  circles  of  white  heads.  They  formed  a ring,  the  men  being  alto- 
gether, the  women  altogether,  and  five  men  were  in  the  middle  of  it.  They  danced 
to  their  own  singing,  moving  slowly  round  in  a sort  of  half-hop  step,  keeping  time 
with  their  hands,  while  the  five  in  the  center  twisted  round  and  cut  capers,  with 
many  strange  and  indescribable  motions.  The  second  part  of  the  entertainment  was 
performed  by  four  or  five  men,  with  winged  rainbow-colored  caps,  who  jumped  aud 
twisted  about,  to  the  clashing  of  cymbals  and  the  beating  of  tabors.  Among  the 
rest  was  a merry  Andrew  with  a mask  stuck  over  with  cowries,  and  a clown  with 
a large  stick  in  his  hand.  These  two  men  were  more  alike  than  the  others,  and 
between  whiles  carried  on  a dialogue,  and  the  grimace  and  conversation  gave  great 
entertainment  to  those  who  understood  it.  (C.  R.  Markham,  Narrative  of  the  Mis- 
sion. etc.,  p.  92.) 

VII. 

TRANSPORTATION. 

Wheeled  vehicles  are  practically  unknown  in  Tibet;  all  traveling  is 
done  on  horse  or  mule  back  or  on  foot,  and  freight  is  carried  by  yaks, 
mules,  horses,  donkeys,  or  sheep,  hardly  ever  by  men,  except  for  short 
distances  over  exceptionally  rough  or  steep  ground. 

The  Tibetan  riding  saddle  ( taga ) differs  but  little  from  that  used  in 
China;  in  eastern  Tibet  those  most  prized  are  made  iu  Derge  (see 
Diary  of  a Journey,  etc.,  p.  192.),  aud  in  central  Tibet  saddles  of  Chinese 
make,  but  ornamented  with  silver  aud  precious  stones  in  Tibetan  style, 
are  much  sought  after. 

PI.  25  shows  a Kokonor  pony  equipped  with  a good  Derge  saddle. 
The  tree  is  made  of  four  pieces  of  birchwood,  covered  on  the  outside 
before  and  behind  with  shagreen  and  trimmed  with  polished  iron 
bauds.  The  seat  is  of  several  thicknesses  of  felt  covered  with  pulo. 
The  stirrup  straps  are  of  plaited  rawhide,  the  stirrup  irons  of  Chinese 
make.  The  girth  passes  over  the  saddle;  frequently  a hind  girth  is  used. 
A broad  crupper  and  a breast  band  are  generally  used.  From  the  lat- 
ter hangs,  when  the  rider  is  an  official,  a long  red  tassel  or  dom, 
(called  ch’i-hsiin  in  Chinese),  such  as  are  worn  in  China  by  military 


# Tho  religious  (lances  of  Tibet,  of  which  there  are  quite  a large  variety,  have  been 
so  frequently  and  minutely  described  by  different  writers  that  they  require  no  men- 
tion here. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  24. 


Fig.  1.  Bamboo  Whistle.  Bat’ang. 

(Cat.  Xo.  167165a,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  2.  Bamboo  Whistle.  Bat’ang.  Strap  to  tie  to  girdle. 
(Cat.  Xo.  167165b.  U.  S.  X.  M.i 

Fig.  3.  Eagle  Bonk  Whistle.  Kokonor  Tibetans. 

(Cat.  Xo.  167166.  IT.  S.  X.  H.) 

Fig.  4 ami  5.  Bamboo  Jew’s-harp  Cases.  Bat’ang. 

(Cat.  Xos.  167168e  and  168168c  U.  S.  X.  II.) 

Fig.  t>.  Bamboo  Jew’s-harp  and  Case.  Bat’ang. 

(Cat.  Xo.  167168b,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 


Report  of  National  Museum.  1893  — Rockhill 


Plate  24. 


Whistles  and  Jew’s-harps. 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893  — Rockhill. 


Plate  25 


Kokonor  Pony,  with  Tibetan  Saddle  and  Harness. 
From  a photograph  by  the  author. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


717 


officers.  The  bit  used  throughout  Tibet  is  a very  light,  large-ringed 
i suaffle,  and  the  headstall  and  reins  are  of  either  rawhide  or  plaited 
hair.  A long  plaited  rawhide  rope  is  usually  carried,  tied  to  the  sad- 
dle, one  end  attached  to  the  ring  of  the  bit.  Under  the  saddle  are  two 
pads  made  of  felt  and  covered  with  ornamented  leather  facings;  those 
of  this  saddle  were  marie  in  Poyul.  These  pads,  which  do  not  quite 
touch  along  the  upper  edge,  keep  the  saddle  well  off  the  horse’s  back. 
Underneath  them  is  a large  blanket  or  a felt  rug  which  extends  nearly 
to  the  horse’s  tail.  Sometimes,  especially  in  eastern  Tibet,  the  whole 
saddle  is  covered  with  a green  cloth  cover  with  a felt  lining. 

Woolen  saddle  bags  ( sata ),  varying  in  size  and  in  fineness  of  texture, 
are  used  by  most  Tibetans  when  traveling;  in  them  they  carry  all  their 
provisions.  Some  of  them  are  so  closely  woven  that  they  are  quite 
waterproof. 

The  Tibetans  use  rawhide  and  yak  hair  hobbles,  with  which  they 
fasten  the  two  fore  feet  and  one  hind  foot  of  their  horses  and  mules. 
Sometimes  iron  chain  hobbles  fastened  with  a padlock  are  used.  This 
latter  kind  of  hobble  is  of  Chinese  make. 

The  pack  saddle,  used  alike  on  mules,  horses,  and  yaks,  consists  of 
two  light  wooden  wings  with  a light  wooden  arch  at  each  end,  as  seen 
in  pi.  2G.  On  either  side  are  two  parallel  sticks  projecting  about  .3 
inches  beyond  the  arches.  The  girth,  which  is  of  wool,  is  fastened  to 
the  lower  stick,  and  the  hair  or  rawhide  ropes  with  which  the  load  is 
fastened  on,  passes  over  and  under  the  upper  one.  When  carrying 
loads  done  up  in  rawhide  so  as  to  protect  them  from  the  weather  (and 
in  this  way  all  the  tea  and  other  valuable  merchandise  is  carried),  short 
rawhide  loops  fastened  to  the  loads  by  means  of  sticks  fitting  iu  small 
slits  made  in  the  rawhide  are  passed  over  the  end  of  the  upper  stick 
of  the  saddle  and  the  load  hung  by  them.  Crupper  sticks,  as  well  as 
cruppers  and  broad  breast  straps  of  wool,  are  always  used.  The  form 
of  pack  saddle  used  in  eastern  Tibet  and  the  Kokonor  is  a little  larger 
and  heavier  than  that  used  in  other  parts  of'  the  country.  Two  rec- 
tangular felt  pads  covered  with  coarse  cloth  ( lawa ) are  tied  to  the 
saddle,  and  under  these  again  are  one  or  more  felt  rugs.  (See  Diary  of 
a Journey,  etc.,  p.  108.) 

The  Tibetaus  do  not  generally  use  riding  whips  : the  end  of  the  rope 
tied  to  the  bridle  is  used  in  its  stead;  when  they  do,  it  is  made  with  a 
short  wooden  handle  to  which  is  tied  a heavy  lash  about.iS  inches  long. 

Pilgrims  traveling  on  foot  usually  have  cn  their  backs  a light  wooden 
framework  about  20  inches  high,  made  of  a couple  of  small  twigs  bent 
into  a rectangular  shape;  on  this  they  tie  their  small  load  of  baggage, 
a similar  frame  tied  to  the  lower  part  of  the  first  one  folds  up  against 
it  and  holds  the  load  in  place,  and  woolen  straps  pass  over  the  bearer’s 
shoulders.  This  contrivance  is  called  a k’ur-shing. 

Women  carrying  water  in  the  long  narrow  wooden  barrels  in  use 
throughout  Tibet  for  that  purpose,  rest  the  bottom  of  the  barrel  on  the 
thick  folds  of  their  gown  gathered  above  the  waist,  and  passing  a strap 


718 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,.  1893. 


around  the  top  of  the  barrel  and  across  their  breasts,  thus  ascend  the 
steepest  hills,  their  arms  folded  before  them. 

Boats. — The  only  purely  Tibetan  boat  I have  seen  or  heard  of  is  the 
skin  coracle  or  ku-dru.  It  is  composed  of  yak  hides  stretched  over  a 
few  bent  twigs  with  a slightly  heavier  piece  of  wood  bent  around  the  top 
to  which  the  skin  is  firmly  sewn.  So  frail  is  it  that  one  must  be  careful 
not  to  put  one’s  foot  on  the  hide,  but  only  on  the  ribs,  for  the  least  direct 
pressure  on  the  skins  makes  the  seams  give  way.  A man  kneeling  iu 
the  bow  paddles  or  stears  with  a short  paddle,  crossing  the  river 
diagonally,  and  then  carrying  his  boat  on  his  back  upstream  so  as  to 
come  back  to  his  starting  point  when  swept  across  again.  These 
coracles  are  about  5 feet  long,  4 broad,  and  30  inches  deep;  two  or 
three  men  and  a couple  of  hundred  pounds  of  goods  can  be  carried  in 
one.  When  leaking  slightly  the  holes  are  filled  with  butter.  With 
these  skin  boats  we  may  compare  the “ bull  boats  ” used  by  the  Mandans 
on  the  Upper  Missouri,  which  are,  however,  slightly  smaller  than  the 
Tibetan  ones,  though  identical  with,  them  in  all  other  respects. 

All  other  boats  used  in  Tibet  are.  made  by  the  Chinese.  On  some 
of  their  rivers  the  Tibetans  use  heavy  rafts,  which  four  or  six  men 
paddle  across.  They  are  about  12  feet  long  and  6 feet  broad,  made  of 
heavy  squared  logs  held  together  by  a pinned  crosspiece  iu  front  and 
behind. 

VIII. 

MONETARY  SYSTEM — MEDIUMS  OF  EXCHANGE — WRITING— PRINT- 
ING— TIME  RECKONING — MEDICAL  KNOWLEDGE — MISCELLANEOUS 

OBJECTS. 

A Chinese  author,  called  Wei  Yiian,  in  his  work  entitled  Sheng-wu 
chi  (Book  xiv,  p.  53),  says  that  in  ancient  times  the  Tibetans  used  cow- 
rie shells  and  knife-shaped  coins,  but  that  since  the  Sung,  Chin,  and 
Ming  periods  (i.  e.,  since  the  twelfth  century)  they  have  used  silver. 
He  further  adds  that  since  the  Cheng-tung  period  of  the  Ming  (A.  D. 
1436)  they  have  paid  theirtaxes  (or  tribute  to  China)  in  silver  coins. 

As  far  as  my  information  goes  the  present  coinage  of  Tibet  has  been 
in  use  since  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century.  It  comprises  only 
one  coin,  a silver  one  called  tranka,  of  the  nominal  value  of  about  16 
cents  of  our  money.  Fractional  currency  is  made  by  cutting  the 
tranka  into  pieces.  (Land  of  tlie  Lamas,  p.  207.)  The  ouly  mint  I 
know  of  in  Tibet  is  at  Lh’asa.  The  trankas  minted  there  bear  on  the 
obverse  the  inscription  Jyal-wai  Gad'dn  p’odrang  chyog-Ias,  “From  the 
Jyal-wa’s  castle  of  Gadan,” — Jyal-wa  standing  for  Jyal-wa  jya-mts'o , 
the  usual  title  of  the  Tale  lama.  On  the  reverse  are  the  eight  signs  of 
good  luck,  each  inclosed  in  a small  circle,  and  in  the  center  is  what  I take 
to  be  a lotus  flower.  These  trankas  are  colloquially  cal'*  a Gadan  tranka. 

Coins  ot  similar  value,  but  minted  in  Nepaul,  Indian  rupees  and 
Chinese  bullion,  are  also  in  use,  and  rupees,  from  t.  eir  purity  and  the 
impossibility  of  counterfeiting  them,  are  in  much  greater  demand  than 


Report  of  National  Museum.  1893. — Rock  hi  II . 


Plate  26. 


Half  breed  Yak,  with  Pack  Saddle.  Kokonor  Tibetans. 
From  a photograph  by  the  author. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  27. 


Figs.  1 and  2.  Money  Scales  and  Wooden  Cases.  China. 

(Cat.  No.  131027,  U.  S.  X.  II.) 

Fig.  3.  Tanka  and  Functions  of  Tanka. 

(Cat.  Xo.  131027,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  4.  Buckskin  Money  Bag.  Uerge. 

(Cat.  No.  131028,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 

Jig.  5.  Red  Leather  Pouch.  Ornameuted  with  brass  studs.  Derg<?. 

(Cat.  Xo.  167153.  V.  S.  N.  M.) 


Report  of  National  Museurr  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  27. 


Money,  Money  Scales,  and  Pouches. 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893.  — Rockhill. 


Plate  28. 


Mongol  Money  Scales  and  Case. 

Cat.  No.  167249,  U.  S.  N.  M.  Taichinar  Ts’aidam. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


719 


the  native  coins  or  even  Chinese  bullion,  the  purity  of  which  the  people 
have  no  means  of  testing. 

In  the  Museum  collection  is  a full  set  of  Tibetan  coins  (see  also  pi.  27, 
tig.  3);  all  the  older  ones,  bearing  Chinese  and  Tibetan  inscriptions,  are 
plastei  casts  obtained  from  the  British  Museum  cabinet. 

Chinese  money  scales  [jama)  are  used  by  the  Tibetans  and  in  Mon- 
golia. The  form  met  with  throughout  China  is  shown  on  pi.  27,  tig.  1,  and 
pi.  28  shows  a rough  copy  made  in  Taichinar  Ts’aidam.  In  the  latter 
the  wooden  beam  is  roughly  indented  to  indicate  ounces,  tenths,  and 
hundredths  of  ounces  (in  Tibetan  called  srang,  djo , and  karma)-,  instead 
of  a brass  tray  one  of  buckskin  suspended  by  horse  hairs  is  used,  and 
the  weight  is  a bullet  roughly  flattened  out.  These  scales  fit  in  a wooden 
trough  roughly  whittled  out  with  a knife. 

Money  (see  tig.  3)  is  carried  either  in  a small  leather  bag  (pi.  27,  tig.  4) 
with  a long  buckskin  string  by  which  it  is  tied  to  the  gown,  or  in  a small 
pouch  with  a leather  loop  through  which  the  girdle  passes  (tig.  5).  At 
Lh’asa  the  people  use  portemonnaies  of  semicircular  form  made  of  red 
leather  embossed  and  with  an  ornamental  border.  They  have  two 
pockets  and  close  with  a hook,  with  a large  silver  boss  on  the  flap. 

In  most  parts  of  the  couutry  money  is  but  little  used,  the  people 
bartering  for  most  of  the  things  they  require.  Brick  tea  is  used  to  such 
an  extent  in  their  mercantile  transactions  that  it  is,  for  all  practical  pur- 
poses, a unit  of  value.  Salt,  tsamba , boots  in  the  Kokonor ,pulo,  cotton 
cloth,  and  even  walnuts  (in  the  Bat’ang  country),  are  accepted  without  a 
murmur  instead  of  silver,  and  in  most  places  one  or  any  of  these  articles 
are  preferred  to  it. 

Writing. — Tibetans  write  from  left  to  right  in  horizontal  lines,  using 
a bamboo  pen  or  nyngn  (pi.  29,  fig.  8),  which  they  carry  in  pen  cases 
( nyushu ) of  metal,  brass,  copper,  or  silver  (tigs.  0 and  7),  in  form  like  a 
sheath,  with  a sliding  top  and  rings  on  either  side,  by  which  it  may  be 
suspended  by  a cord  from  the  girdle.  Hanging  from  the  same  string 
is  a small  ink  pot  ( napang ) also  of  metal,  in  which  they  carry  dissolved 
iiulia  ink  [naUa).  In  fig.  7 is  shown  a Lh’asan  silver  pen  case  and  ink 
pot  finely  chased.  The  brass  pen-case  shown  in  tig.  6,  made  at  Lit’aug, 
has  the  eight  signs  of  good  luck  in  repousse  work  on  it.  A small  cast 
brass  ink  pot  from  Lh’asa  is  shown  in  tig.  3. 

Chinese  paper  is  usually  used  for  letter  writing,  but  when  copying 
books  or  when  printing  the  Tibetans  use  paper  made  in  Nepaul  and 
Bhutan  from  the  bark  of  various  species  of  Daphnea*,  and  especially  of 
Edgeirorthia  gardneri,  which  has  been  previously  washed  with  a little 
milk  and  water,  so  that  it  may  not  blot.  They  also  manufacture  them- 
selves a paper  from  the  root  of  a small  shrub,  which  is  of  a much  thicker 
texture  and  more  durable  than  Daphne  paper.  In  western  Tibet  this 
paper  is  manufactured  with  a species  of  Astragalus , the  whole  shrub 
being  reduced  to  pulp.  (J.  D.  Hooker,  Himalayan  Journals,  ii,  162.)* 


* See  also  B.  H.  HodgsoD,  Miscellaneous  essays  relating  to  Indian  subjects,  II,  p.251. 


720 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


Printing. — Printing  is  done  in  Tibet  exactly  as  in  China.  The  manu- 
script. written  on  very  thin  paper,  is  pasted  over  a smooth,  thin  block  of 
wood,  and  with  a small  chisel  the  surface  of  the  block  around  the  letters 
is  carefully  removed  to  a depth  of  about  one-eighth  of  an  inch.  Ink  is 
rubbed  lightly  over  the  block,  a sheet  of  paper  is  then  placed  on  it  and 
a brush  lightly  passed  over  the  sheet,  which  is,  when  removed,  left  to 
dry,  when  the  other  side  is  printed  in  like  manner  from  another  block. 

The  Tibetans  distinguish  nine  or  ten  different  styles  of  writing,  but 
these  may  be  reduced  to  three,  capitals  (wu-chan),  small  capitals 
(tcu-med),  and  running  hand  (chijug-yig).  Books  are  usually  written  in 
the  first,  and  the  two  other  forms  are  used  in  correspondence  and  for 
all  the  ordinary  purposes  of  life.* 

Like  most  Asiatics  the  Tibetans  never  sign  their  letters  but  seal 
them,  nearly  every  one,  even  those  who  can  not  write,  carrying  a small 
seal  ( titse ) suspended  from  his  girdle.  These  seals  have  on  them  a letter 
or  a religious  symbol  surrounded  by  an  ornamental  design.  They  are 
cut  in  iron  and  are  frequently  of  very  delicate  workmanship.  In  pi.  29, 
fig.  4,  is  shown  a seal  made  in  Derge;  it  is  cylindrical,  2£  inches  long, 
terminates  in  a knob  head,  and  is  bored  out,  chased,  and  fretted. 
The  design  is  a swastika  or  u hooked  cross”  in  the  center  of  a foliated 
motive. 

Letters  and  packages  are  sealed  with  wax  ( lajya ) made  of  lac,  and  on 
the  wax  is  an  impress  of  the  sender’s  seal.  A piece  of  wax  is  carried 
suspended  to  the  girdle  with  the  seal,  as  shown  in  the  figs.  1,  2,  and  5. 

Time  reckoning. — ‘*The  Tibetans  received  their  astronomical  science 
from  then-  neighbors  in  India  and  China,  the  Chinese  also  becoming 
their  teachers  in  the  art  of  divination.  Their  acquaintance  with  the 
astronomical  and  calendrical  systems  of  these  nations  coincides  with 
the  propagation  of  the  Buddhist  religion  by  the  Chinese  and  Indian 
priests,  to  whom  they  are  also  indebted  for  the  respective  systems  ot 
defining  the  year.  Both  systems  are  based  upon  a unit  of  sixty  years, 
differing,  however,  in  the  modes  of  denominating  the  years.”  (Emil 
Schlagintweit,  Buddhism  in  Tibet,  273.) 

In  these  cycles  of  sixty  years,  when  numbered  according  to  the 
Indian  principle,  each  year  has  its  particular  name,  but  when  the 
Chinese  mode  is  used,  the  names  used  in  the  Chinese  duodecimal  cycle 
are  used  five  times,  coupled  with  the  names  of  the  five  elements  or  their 
respective  colors,  each  of  the  latter  being  introduced  in  the  series  twice 
in  immediate  succession.  A masculine  and  feminine  are  also  frequently 
added  to  the  above,  represented  alternately  by  p'o  (male)  and  mo 
(female). 


* For  further  details  on  the  subject  and  for  specimens  of  all  the  various  Tibetan 
scripts,  I must  refer  the  reader  whom  the  subject  interests  to  Sarat  Chandra  Das’ 
paper  on  “ The  sacred  and  ornameutal  characters  of  Tibet,”  in  Journal  Asiatic  Society 
of  Bengal,  lvii,  part  1,  pp.  41-48,  and  to  the  Appendix  in  Csoma  de  Korda’ 
Tibetan  grammar. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  29. 


Figs.  1 and  2.  Sealing  Wax.  Ts'arang. 

(Cat.  No.  131022, 1".  S.  X.  II.) 

Fig.  3.  Brass  Ink  Pot.  Wooden  stopper.  Lh’asa. 

(Cat.  No.  167164.  U.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  4.  Seal  ok  Wrought  Iron.  Dergr. 

(Cat.  Xo.  131317,  U.  S.X.  M.) 

Fig.  5.  Sealing  Wax.  Provided  with  thong  to  hang  to  belt.  Ts' 
(Cat.  Xo.  131022,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  6.  Brass  Pen  Case.  Lit’ang. 

(Cat.  Xo.  167162.  U.  S.  XL  II.) 

Fig.  7.  Chased  Silver  Pen  Case  and  Ink  Pot.  Lh’asa. 

(Cat.  Xo.  130401,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  8.  Bamuoo  Pen  and  India  Ink;  Wooden  Pen  and  Ink  Case 
(Cat.  Xo.  167163,  U.  S.  X'.  XX .) 


arong. 


Ts'aidam. 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — RocWhill. 


Plate  29. 


Writing  Implements. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


721 


Tlie  first  year  of  the  first  cycle  of  sixty  years  is  A.  I).  1026,  conse- 
quently 1894  is  the  twenty-ninth  year  of  the  fifteenth  cycle,  or  the 
“ Wood  Horse”  (shiny  ta)  year  of  the  fifteenth  cycle. 

The  cycle  of  twelve  years  is  copied  on  the  Chinese,  and  needs  no 
description  here.  This  cycle  is,  in  Tibet  as  in  China,  the  one  most 
commonly  used,  and  in  both  countries  to  ask  a person’s  age  they  say 
“to  what  sign  (of  the  duodecimal  cycle)  do  you  belong  ?” 

Sclilagintweit  (Op.  cit.,  p.  276)  says: 

In  books  as  well  as  in  conversation,  the  dates  of  past  events  are  not  unfrequently 
determined  by  counting  back  from  the  current  year.  For  instance,  the  present  year 
being  1863,  the  birth  of  Tsongkhapa,  which  occurred  in  1355  A.  D.,  would  be  said 
to  have  taken  place  live  hundred  and  eight  years  ago. 

I may  add  that  in  conversation  events  which  have  occurred  more 
than  three  or  four  years  ago  are  invariably  spoken  of  as  having  hap- 
pened in  “olden  times”  or  “a  long  while  ago.”  Sometimes  an  event  is 
referred  to  such  and  such  a year  of  the  reign  of  such  and  such  a Tale-lama. 
On  the  whole  Tibetans  care  very  little  about  chronology  of  any  kind. 

Another  method  of  counting,  but  very  little  used,  is  that  based  on  a 
cycle  of  two  hundred  and  fifty-two  years  made  by  a combination  of  the 
five  elements,  12  animals  of  the  duodecimal  system,  and  the  masculine 
and  feminine  particles  previously  referred  to.  (Sclilagintweit,  op.  cit., 
p.  287.1 

The  Tibetan  year  (lo)  is  divided  into  twelve  lunar  months  (daica), 
named  “first  month,”  “second  month,”  etc.  Every  three  years  an  inter- 
calarymonth  (da  Wag)  isadded  to  compensate  for  the  difference  between 
the  solar  and  the  lunar  year.  The  days  are  divided  into  twelve  hours, 
as  they  are  among  the  Chinese,  from  whom  they  have  borrowed  these 
divisions.* 

Medical  hnoirledge. — As  with  their  astronomy  and  other  sciences,  so 
with  their  medical  science,  the  Tibetans  have  borrowed  it  from  India 
and  China.  While  nearly  all  their  medical  works  are  translations 
from  Indian  originals  (see  Csoma  de  Korbs,  Journ.  Bengal  Asiatic  Soc., 
iv,  1 et  seq.),  their  pharmacopoeia  is  largely  borrowed  from  China,  and 
is  nearly  entirely  vegetable.  The  Chinese  derive  a great  number  of 
their  most  valued  simples  from  Tibet,  and  the  large  lamaseries  of  that 
country  have  medical  faculties  and  pharmacies  attached  to  them  which 
supply  not  only  their  own  people  witli  drugs,  but  nearly  the  whole  of 
Mongolia, 

The  Museum  contains  a few  samples  of  Tibetan  drugs,  among  which 
I will  only  mention  the  chyar-tsa  gong  hu  (Cordyceps  sinensis ),  tsampalca 
seed,  or  pod  of  the  orxylum  ( Colosanthus  indie  a,  Blum.),  and  the  yadro 
(Anemarhena  asphodeloides , Hanbury). 

'For  further  details  on  Tibetan  chronology  and  astrology  I mist  refer  the  reader 
to  Emil  Sclilagintweit,  Buddhism  in  Tibet,  pp.  273-328;  Csoma  do  Korbs,  Grammar 
of  the  Tibetan  Language,  148  el  seq.;  Ph.  E.  Foucaux,  Grammaire  Tibbtaine,  and 
Journ.  Roy.  Asiat.  Soc.,  n.  s.,  xxm,  p.  206. 

H.  Mis.  184,  pt.  2 46 


722 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


Rhubarb  ( djim-tsa ),  though  used  sometimes  for  a dye,  is  never 
employed  as  a medicine  in  Tibet.  Among  the  Mongols  its  medicinal 
properties  are  known,  but  its  use  is  confined  to  camels. 

Ophthalmia  is  one  of  the  commonest  diseases  in  Tibet.  When  so 
affected  the  sufferer  either  wears  Chinese  smoked  glasses  or  eye  shades 
(migra)  of  horsehair  (pi.  30,  fig.  1).  These  eye  shades  consist  in  a band 
of  closely- woven  horsehair  about  2$  inches  broad.  The  ends  are  sewed 
into  bits  of  embroidered  flannel.  Some  of  these  shades  are  convex  over 
the  eyes,  but  1 believe  that  these  are  not  made  in  Tibet,  but  on  the 
Kan-su  frontier,  by  Chinese.  The  eye  shades  are  carried  suspended 
from  the  girdle  in  a cylindrical  cotton  case,  which  can  be  pulled  out  of 
another  case  of  similar  material,  but  usually  handsomely  embroidered, 
which  slides  over  it. 

PI.  30.  tig.  1,  shows  a migra  and  case  made  in  eastern  Tibet.  T.he 
Chinese  form  of  eye  shade  (tig.  2)  is  also  occasionally  used  by  Tibetans. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  a similar  horsehair  shade  is  worn  by 
Persians  in  some  parts  of  their  country.  (John  Bell,  Lives  of  Cele- 
brated Travellers,  ii,  p.  133.) 

Miscellaneous  objects. — In  Tibet  sewing  is  about  equally  divided 
between  the  two  sexes,  the  men  making  most  of  their  own  clothes  and 
all  tailors  being  men.  They  use  scissors  and  needles  of  Chinese  make 
and  woolen  thread  which  they  twist  themselves.  They  sew  toward 
the  body.  The  men  do  not  use  a thimble,  but  women  have  a small  ring 
made  of  copper  resembling  a seal  ring,  but  where  the  stone  should  be 
there  is  lead.  They  put  this  ring  on  the  forefinger  and  press  the  needle 
against  it.  It  is  used  in  parts  of  Mongolia  (Ts’aidam)  as  well  as  in  Tibet, 
but  the  Chinese  thimble,  in  shape  like  our  tailor's  thimble,  is  rapidly 
superseding  it  in  popular  favor. 

A fly  brush,  made  of  the  tail  of  a small  yak.  is  shown  in  fig.  2,  pi. 
31.  The  hair  of  the  upper  part  of  the  tail  lias  been  scraped  oft"  and  a 
handle  made  of  the  hardened  hide.  The  hair  is  dyed  a light  red.  The 
other  fly  brush  (fig.  1)  is  of  coir,  and  is  in  use  in  China. 

Rouge  pads  of  felt  which  have  been  soaked  in  a red  coloring  matter 
are  used  by  Mongol  and  Tibetan  women.  A portion  of  this  is  readily 
transferred  to  the  cheek  by  slightly  moistening  the  pad.  These  pads 
are  prepared  in  China.  The  Mongols  use  them  much  more  commonly 
than  do  the  Tibetans,  who  have  naturally  rosy  cheeks. 

Loosely  woven  scarfs  of  silk,  called  in  Tibetan  k'atag  ( k'a-btags ),  are 
in  common  use.  Some  of  them  have  Buddhist  symbols  or  images  of 
the  Buddha  woven  in  the  texture;  others  are  of  less  value  and  are 
stiffened  with  plaster  or  rice  powder.  The  usual  color  of  these  k'atag 
is  light-blue  or  white.  The  smaller  ones  are  about  20  inches  long 
and  ti  inches  wide,  and  are  worth  a few  copper  cash  apiece.  The 
largest  are  frequently  40  or  50  feet  long  and  of  proportionately  greater 
value.  Most  of  these  k'atag  are  made  in  Ch’eng-tu  in  Ssu-ch’uan  for 
the  Tibetan  and  Mongol  markets.  Hue  thus  describes  the  use  of  the 
k'atag : 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  30. 


Fig.  1.  Horsehair  Eye  Shade  and  Case.  Eastern  Tibet. 
(Cat.  No.  131053,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  2.  Chinese  Eye  Shade  and  Case. 

(Cat.  So.  167150,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockhtll. 


Plate  30. 


Eye  Shades. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  31. 


Fig.  1.  Coin  Fly  Brush  with  Bamboo  Handle.  Used  by  Buddhist  priests  in 
China. 

(Cat.  No.  151283,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  2.  Yak  Tail  Fi.y  Brush.  Hair  dyed  red.  Bat'aug. 

(Cat.  No.  151283,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  31 . 


Fly  Brushes. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


723 


The  khata  or  scarf  of  felicitation  plays  such  an  important  role  in  Tibetan  life  that 
it  is  in  place  to  say  somethin”:  of  it.  The  khata  is  a piece  of  silk,  nearly  as  tine  as 
gauze.  Its  color  is  a bluish  white.  Its  length  is  about  three  times  its  width;  the 
two  extremities  usually  terminate  in  fringes.  There  are  khatas  of  every  size  and 
price;  for  it  is  an  object  that  the  poor  as  well  as  the  rich  can  not  do  without.  No 
one  ever  goes  anywhere  without  carrying  a small  supply  of  them  with  him.  When 
one  pays  a formal  visit,  when  one  has  a service  to  ask  of  some  one,  or  to  thank  a 
person,  the  tirst  thing  to  do  is  to  unroll  a khata-,  it  is  taken  in  both  hands  and  offered 
to  the  person  one  wishes  to  honor.  If  two  friends,  not  having  met  for  some  time, 
suddenly  run  across  each  other,  the  first  thing  they  do  is  to  offer  each  other  a khata. 
It  is  done  with  as  much  empressement  and  as  promptly  as  one  shakes  hands  in  Europe. 
It  is  also  customary  when  one  writes  a letter  to  fold  up  in  it  a little  khata.  It  is 
incredible  what  importance  the  Tibetans,  Si-Fan,  Hung-Mao-Eul,  and  all  the  people 
living  to  the  west  of  the  Blue  Sea  attach  to  the  khata  ceremony.  It  is  among  them 
the  purest  and  sincerest  expression  of  all  noble  sentiments.  The  finest  words,  the 
most  costly  presents,  are  nothing  without  the  khata.  With  it,  on  the  contrary,  the 
most  ordinary  object  acquires  immense  value.  If  some  one  asks  a favor  of  you,  a 
khata  in  his  hand,  it  is  impossible  to  refuse  it,  unless  one  wishes  to  show  contempt 
<or  all  rules  of  propriety.  (Hue,  Souvenirs  d’un  voyage,  n,  p.  88.) 

Besides  these  everyday  usages  referred  to  by  Hue  to  which  the  k’atag 
is  put,  it  is  the  most  ordinary  form  of  offering  to  the  gods.  Hundreds 
and  thousands  of  them  are  suspended  on  the  statues  of  the  gods  in 
every  temple  or  shrine  in  Tibet  and  Mongolia,  and  in  some  sections  of 
the  country  a Fatag  of  a certain  quality,  called  by  the  Chinese  u-u  cltai 
shou-pa,  is  a recognized  standard  of  value  in  commercial  transactions. 
(Laud  of  the  Lamas,  pp.  66,  105,  and  p.  122,  note.*) 

Ceremonial  scarfs  appear  to  have  been  at  one  time  used  among  the 
Chinese.  In  1575  Mendoza  visited  Fu-cliou,  in  the  province  of  Fu  kien, 
and  was  received  with  several  other  missionaries  by  the  viceroy, 
who — 

commanded  in  his  presence  to  put  about  the  neckes  of  the  friers,  in  manner  of  a 
scarfe,  to  eyther  of  them  sixe  peeees  of  silke  and  unto  the  shoulders  of  their  com- 
panions, and  unto  Omoncon  and  Suisay,  each  of  them  foure  peeees  and  to  every  one 
of  their  servautes  two  a peeee  * * * so  with  the  silke  about  their  neckes,  and 

with  the  branches  in  their  hands,  they  returned  out  of  the  hall  and  downe  the 
staires  the  way  they  came,  and  through  the  court  into  the  streetes.  (Mendoza, 
History  of  China,  Hakluyt  Soc.  Edit.,  II,  p.  83.) 

A similar  custom  would  appear  to  have  existed  in  India  in  olden 
times;  for  we  read  in  early  Buddhist  works  of  a piece  of  light  stuff 
being  put  over  the  shoulders  or  around  the  neck  of  an  honored 
person. 

Games  and  toys. — I have  given  much  time,  while  traveling  in  Tibet, 
to  inquiring  concerning  toys  for  children  and  games,  and  have  also 
carefully  examined  nearly  all  the  works  of  Asiatic  and  European  trav- 
elers for  information  on  these  subjects,  but  I have  failed  to  hear  of  or 
learn  anything  of  any  importance  on  these  subjects.  What  I wrote  in 
The  Land  of  the  Lamas  (p.  248)  concerning  the  Tibetans  of  the  Horba 
country  seems  applicable  to  the  whole  land: 


* See  also  Journ.  Roy.  Asiat.  Soc..,  u.  s.,  xxili,  p.  228,  and  Turner,  Embassy  to  Court 
of  Teshoo  Lama,  p.  233. 


724 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


I noticed  but  few  games  of  chance  among  them.  Dice  they  have,  but  they  are  for 
divining  purposes,  not  for  gambling.  A few  men  who  had  passed  much  of  their  time 
among  the  Chinese  played  cards,  and  chess  is  also  known  among  them,  but  both  are 
of  foreign  importation,  and  I could  hear  of  no  national  game. 

1 have  seen  children  amusing  themselves  with  rag  dolls  and  little 
bows  and  arrows,  and  l)r.  Hooker  (Himalayan  Journals,  i,  p.  317), 
speaking  of  a place  in  upper  Sikkim,  says: 

I was  much  amused  here  by  watching  a child  playing  with  a popgun,  made  of 
bamboo,  similar  to  that  of  quill,  with  which  most  English  children  are  familiar, 
which  propels  pellets  by  means  of  a spring  trigger  made  of  the  upper  part  of'the  quill. 

Jack  stones,  or  knuckle  bones,  is  the  only  game  I have  seen  played 
in  the  country,  and  that  only  on  two  or  three  occasions.  This  game  is 
also  known  in  China  and  Mongolia  and,  in  fact,  throughout  eastern 
Asia.  (See  Bergmann,  Yoy.  cliez  les  Kalmuks,  p.  151.) 

In  Ladak  and  Haiti  the  men  play  polo,  which  some  authors  say  is  a 
game  of  Tibetan  origin.  It  was  once  very  popular  under  the  name  of 
chaogan  in  India,  in  which  country  it  was  introduced  by  the  Mussulman 
conquerors  toward  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century,  but  after  Baber’s  time 
it  gradually  became  obsolete.  -(Alexander  Cunningham,  Ladak,  p.  311.) 

Dr.  Hooker  (Himalayan  Journals,  I,  p.  317)  says  that  the  Lepclias 
play  at  quoits,  using  slate  for  the  purpose,  and  at  the  Highland  game 
of  “putting  the  stone”  and  “drawing  the  stone.”  The  game  of  quoits 
is  also  played  in  the  adjacent  country  of  Bhutan  and,  I believe,  in  other 
portions  of  southern  Tibet.  Wrestling  is  also  a popular  amusement  in 
most  parts  of  Tibet ; it  is,  I believe,  that  known  among  us  as  Greco- 
Boman. 

IX. 

BIRTH — MARRIAGE— DEATH. 

Birth. — “ They  (the  Tibetans)  do  not  wash  and  bathe  a newly-born 
child,  but  the  mother  licks  it  as  soon  as  it  is  born.  After  three  days 
they  smear  the  child’s  body  all  over  with  butter  and  expose  it  to  the 
sun’s  rays  for  several  days.  Children  are  fed  on  parched  meal  ( tsamba ) 
mixed  with  soup,  the  greater  part  of  them  getting  no  milk  whatever.” 
(Journ.  Boy.  Asiat.  Soc.,  n.  s.,  xxm,  p.  231.) 

As  a general  rule  the  name  given  the  children  is  chosen  by  a lama, 
who  also  casts  the  child’s  horoscope,  and  no  festivities  attend  this  nam- 
ing. The  name  chosen  is  usually  a Buddhist  term,  such  as  Lozang,  “ the 
intelligent,”  or  Dorje,  “the  thunderbolt  ( vadjra),n  for  a boy,  while 
Padma,  “the  lotus,”  and  Drolma,  the  name  of  the  goddess  Tara,  who 
was  incarnated  in  the  Chinese  and  Nepalese  consorts  of  King  Srong-tsan 
gambo,  are  favorite  names  for  women.  Frequently  two  sons  of  a same 
mother  will  have  the  same  name,  and  Ch'en,  “ the  big  one,  senior,”  and 
Ch'ung,  “the  little  one,  junior,”  will  be  added  to  their  names.  There  are 
no  family  names. 

Cunningham  says  that  in  Ladak  they  celebrate  a “ birth  feast  ” ( Tsas- 
Tun)  and  a “naming  feast”  (Ming- Ton). 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


725 


The  birth-feast  {Tsas-Ton)  is  held  one  week  after  the  mother’s  confinement,  when 
all  the  relatives  assemble  at  her  home  to  celebrate  the  child’s  birth.  All  the  guests 
make  presents  to  the  mother,  according  to  their  means,  of  pieces  of  cloth  and  food, 
and  occasionally  of  money.  The  partj  then  dines,  and  the  entertainment  ends  with 
a bowl  of  chang.  The  mother  remains  at  home  for  one  month. 

The  naming-feast  ( Ming-Ton ),  which  answers  to  our  christening,  is  held  just  one 
year  after  the  birth.  The  child  is  then  taken  before  some  great  lama,  to  whom  an 
offering  is  made  of  a rupee  or  a quantity  of  wheat  or  barley,  according  to  the  means 
ot  the  parties.  The  lama  pronounces  a name,  and  the  relatives  retire  to  the  usual 
entertainment  of  dinner  and  chang.  (Alex.  Cunningham,  Ladak,  p.307.) 

Marriage. — Marriage  by  capture  still  survives  in  portions  of  western 
Tibet,  in  Spiti,  in  Sikkim,  and  Bhutan,  where  the  bridegroom  and  his 
triends,  when  they  go  to  bring  the  bride  from  her  father’s  home,  are 
met  by  a party  of  the  bride’s  friends  and  relations  who  stop  the  path; 
hereupon  a sham  tight  of  a very  rough  description  ensues,  in  which  the 
bridegroom  and  his  friends,  before  they  are  allowed  to  pass,  are  well 
drubbed  with  good  thick  switches. 

In  other  parts  of  Tibet  the  preliminaries  of  marriage  are  very  simi- 
lar to  those  ot  China.  Go-betweens  (Bar  mi  or  Long  mi)  on  the  part 
of*  the  man  make  overtures  to  the  family  of  the  girl,  and  if  these  are 
well  received,  astrologers  are  consulted  to  see  whether  the  horoscope 
of  the  man  and  woman  do  not  antagonize  each  other,  and  “ if  the  good 
and  evil  of  the  life  of  the  male  harmonize  in  the  calculation  with  those 
of  the  life  of  the  female,  longevity  is  counted  upon.  If  not,  the  happi- 
ness of  the  couple  will  be  short-lived.” 

As  soon  as  the  astrologer  declares  that  the  Thun-tsi,  i.  e.,  the  circumstances  of  har- 
mony necessary  in  the  marriage,  are  favorable,  the  parents  consult  their  friends  and 
relations  in  order  to  ascertain  the  suitability  of  the  match,  and  send  one  or  two 
Bar  mi  (go-betweens)  to. ascertain  the  views  of  the  maternal  uncle  of  the  maiden 
selected  regarding  her  marriage.  He  generally  withholds  his  opinion  under  various 
excuses.  According  to  the  customs  of  the  country  the  Shangpo  (maternal  uncle)  of 
a maiden  is  the  real  arbiter  of  her  fate  in  the  matter  of  marriage.  Nothing  can  be 
settled  without  reference  to  him.  When  his  leave  is  secured  the  marriage  proposal 
can  be  formally  made  to  the  maiden’s  parents.* 

The  Bar  mi,  with  the  permission  of  the  Shangpo,  on  an  auspicious  day  during  the 
increasing  lunation  of  the  month,  proceed  to  the  home  of  the  parents  of  the  maiden 
to  present  them  with  the  Long  chang,  and  therewith  formally  make  the  proposal  of 
marriage.  * * * The  parents  of  the  maiden  receive  the  Bar  mi  with  politeness, 

and. serve  them  with  wine  and  tea.  After  emptying  one  or  two  cups  of  tea  the 
Bar  mi  present  them  with  a scarf,  and  beg  leave  to  state  their  mission.  Then  they 
pour  out  chang,  but  before  the  parents  will  partake  of  it,  the  maternal  uncle  of  the 
girl  must  be  got  to  give  his  consent,  and  as  soon  as  he  has,  the  parents  drink  the 
chang  and  the  betrothal  is  made. 

The  marriage  festivities  generally  last  for  three  days  at  the  home  of  the  bride's 
parents,  when  the  friends  and  relatives  make  her  presents  and  the  parents  give  her  a 
dowry  of  cattle,  clothes,  jewelry,  furniture,  etc. 

Before  leaving  the  bridesmaid’s  house  the  domestic  dieties  are  propitiated  by  a 
Bonbo  lama,  and  here  also  is  performed  the  ceremony  of  traxhi  tre-wa,  or  calling  down 
blessings  and  long  life  on  her.  After  this  the  bride  rides  to  her  husband’s  house 


* This  seems  to  point  to  a survival  of  the  custom  of  reckoning  descent  through 
the  females. 


72G 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


preceded  by  a mau  in  white  ridinga  white  horse."  On  arriving  there  she  is  received 
with  other  ceremonies,  especially  noticeable  among  which  is  that  of  driving  away 
any  evil  spirits  which  may  have  accompanied  her  from  her  parents' house.  The 
mother  of  the  groom  advances  now  toward  the  bride  and  presents  her  with  a k’atag, 
tsamba  mixed  with  butter,  and  a jar  of  milk. 

There  is  after  this  a marriage  dinner  and  the  friends  and  relatives  of  the  groom 
present  them  with  k’atag  and  presents,  and  it  is  they  who  supply  the  provisions  for 
the  marriage  feast. 

After  this  a Bonbo  priest  gives  the  bride  a new  name  which  she  is  henceforth  to 
bear,  connecting  it  in  some  manner  with  the  name  other  mother-in-law.  When  this 
is  performed  a small  piece  of  wood  about  6 inches  long  is  held  to  the  lips  of  the 
bridegroom.  The  bride  now  sits  in  front  of  her  husband,  and  takes  the  other  end 
of  the  wood  between  her  lips. 

In  the  meantime  a tuft  of  wool  is  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  bridegroom,  who 
draws  out  the  fibers  to  some  length.  The  bride  takes  it  from  his  hands  and  twists 
it  into  a thread.  This  is  called  the  ceremony  of  the  first  work  of  harmonious  union. 
Then  the  party  of  the  bride  separate  from  that  of  the  bridegroom,  and  sitting  in 
rows  of  seats  facing  each  other  sing  repartee  songs.  When  the  festivities  terminate 
the  bridegroom  dismisses  the  kyel  mi  (the  men  who  have  escorted  the  bride  from  her 
home)  with  suitable  presents.  (Sarat  Chandra  Das,  Marriage  Customs  in  Tibet, 
Journ.  Asiat.  Soe.  Bengal,  i,  1893,  Pt.  ill,  pp.  6-31. t) 

Although  the  ceremonies  in  different  parts  of  Tibet  vary  somewhat 
from  the  above,  they  are  analogous,  as  the  betrothal  and  the  marriage 
ceremonies,  which  are  nothing  but  a long  feast,  are  their  essential  fea- 
tures. Chandra  Das,  in  the  interesting  articles  from  which  the  preced- 
ing facts  are  derived,  describes  the  ceremonies  as  they  are  performed 
in  Ladak,  Sikkim,  and  central  Tibet,  and  I must  refer  the  reader'whom 
the  subject  interests  to  his  paper  for  further  details  on  the  subject. 

So  much  has  been  written  about  Tibetan  polyandry  that  it  is  only 
necessary  to  touch  on  it  here. 

As  far  as  my  information  goes  the  husbands  of  a given  woman  are 
always  brothers,  the  elder  brother  choosing  the  woman  and  the  younger 
brothers  cohabiting  with  her.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  origin 
of  polyandry,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  poverty,  a desire  to  keep  down 
population  and  to  keep  property  undivided  in  families,  supply  suffi- 
cient reasons  to  justify  its  continuance.  The  same  motives  explain  its 
existence  among  the  lower  castes  of  Malabar,  amoug  the  Jat  (Sikhs) 
of  the  Punjab,  amoug  the  Todas.  and  probably  in  most  other  countries 
in  which  this  custom  prevails. 

Polygamy  is  not  uncommon  amoug  the  wealthier  classes  of  Tibet 
throughout  the  whole  extent  of  the  land,  and  monogamy  is,  naturally 
enough,  frequently  met  with,  especially  among  theDrupa  tent  dwellers, 
where  it  is  in  fact  the  invariable  rule,  I believe.J 

" Among  the  Mongols  it  is  deemed  proper  when  inviting  a guest  to  one’s  tent  to 
send  him  a white  horse  to  ride. 

ISee  also  Journ.  Roy.  Asiat  Soc.,  n.  s.,  xxm,  pp.  228-230,  and  Alex.  Cunningham, 
Ladak,  p.  207. 

ISee,  on  this  subject.  Sarat  Chandra  Das.  Narr.  of  First  Journey  to  Tasliilhunpo  in 
1879.  p.  34 ; Col.  Edw.  Parke  in  Journ.  Authrojiol.  Institute,  vin,  195  tt  stq.,  and  Land 
of  the  Lamas,  pp.  190,  212  et  stq. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


727 


Sarat  Chandra  Das,  in  his  paper  on  Marriage  Customs  of  Tibet,  says 
(quoting  Crooke’s  Notes  and  Queries) : 

In  Spiti  polyandry  is  not  recognized,  as  only  the  elder  brother  marries  and  the 
younger  ones  become  monks.  But  there  is  not  the  least  aversion  to  the  idea  of  two 
brothers  cohabiting  with  the  same  woman,  and  I believe  it  often  happens  in  an 
unrecognized  way,  particularly  among  the  landless  classes,  who  send  no  sons  into  the 
monasteries. t * * * In  Spiti  there  is  a regular  ceremony  of  divorce  which  is 

sometimes  used  when  both  parties  consent.  Husband  and  wife  hold  the  ends  of  a 
thread,  repeating  meanwhile,  “Our  father  and  our  mother  gave,  another  father  and 
mother  took  away.  As  it  was  not  our  fate  to  agree,  we  separate  with  mutual  good 
will.”  The  thread  is  then  severed  by  applying  a light  to  the  middle.  After  a 
divorce  a woman  is  at  liberty  to  marry  whom  she  pleases. 

I do  not  believe  that  in  other  parts  of  the  country  divorce  or  second 
marriage  exist,  though  among  the  Kokonor  Tibetans,  at  least,  it  some- 
times happens  that  a wife  deserts  her  husband  to  cohabit  with  another 
man  or  a husband  his  wife  for  another  woman. 

Death — Mortuary  ceremonies. — Speaking  of  the  T’ang-lisiang,  the 
Sui  shu  says: 

When  people  of  eighty  or  over  die  the  relatives  do  not  mourn,  for  they  say  that 
the}’  had  reached  the  end  of  their  allotted  time,  but  if  a young  person  dies  they  cry 
and  lament,  saying  that  it  is  a great  wrong.  (Sui  shu,  Book,  83;  Conf.  T’ang  shu, 
Book,  221.) 

The  T’ang  shu  (Book,  221),  speaking  of  the  Tung  nit  kuo,  which 
embraced  in  the  seventh  or  eighth  century  the  greater  part  of  north- 
eastern Tibet,  says: 

They  wear  mourning  for  three  years,  not  changing  their  clothes  and  not  washing. 
When  a man  of  wealth  dies  they  remove  the  skin  from  the  body  and  put  it  aside; 
the  flesh  and  bones  they  place  in  an  earthen  vase,  mixed  with  gold  dust,  and  this 
they  carefully  bury.  When  the  sovereign  is  buried  several  tens  of  persons  follow 
the  dead  into  the  tomb. 

Early  European  travelers  in  eastern  Asia  tell  us  that  the  Tibetans 
used  to  devour  the  bodies  of  their  dead  parents.  Thus  William  of 
Rubrulc  (Itiuerarium,  Edit.  Soc.  Geo.  de  Paris,  p.  289)  says: 

Post  istos  sunt  Tebec,  homines  solentes  comedere  parentes  suos  defunctos,  lit  causa 
pietatis  non  facerent  aliud  sepulcrum  eis  nisi  viscera  sua.  Modo  tamen  hoc  demise- 
runt,  quia  abhominabiles  erant  omni  nationi.  Tamen  ad  hue  facinnt  pulcros  c-iphos 
de  capitibus  parentum,  ut  illis  bibentes  habeaut  memoriam  eorum  in  jocunditate  sua. 
Hoc  dixit  michi  qui  viderat. 

Plano  Carpini  (Historia  Mongalorum,  ix,  p.  058)  says: 

Venit  ad  terrain  Burithabet  * * * qui  sunti  pagani.  Qui  consuetudiuem  mira- 
bilem  imo  potius'  miserabilem  habent:  quia  cum  alicujus  pater  humame  naturae 
debitum  solvit,  omnem  congregant  parentelam,  et  comedunt  eum  sicut  nobis  diceba- 
tur  pro  certo. 

Friar  Odoric,  who  was  the  first  European  traveler  to  visit  Tibet, 
gives  a different  account  of  their  mortuary  customs,  and  one  more  in 

* It  is  a difficult  matter  to  say  where  polyandry  begins  and  cohabitation  ends  in 
Tibet.  These  terms  seem  nearly  interchangeable. 


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REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


accordance  with  what  we  know  to  have  obtained  among  the  Tibetans 
for  some  centuries  back.  Charges  of  cannibalism  against  a remote 
people  only  known  to  the  informants  of  the  writer  of  a narrative  by 
hearsay  are  not  uncommon.  To  only  mention  one,  I find  that  the  early 
Arab  travelers  in  China  charged  the  Chinese  of  the  7th  century,  A.  D.. 
with  eating  all  their  enemies  killed  in  war.*  Altogether,  I think  there 
is  very  little  foundation  for  the  charge  made  by  Eubruk  and  du  Plan 
Carpin.  It  is  probably  the  result  of  a jumbled-up  account  of  the  true 
methods  of  disposing  of  the  dead,  which  will  be  described  farther  on. 

Friar  Odoric  says  (H.  Yule.  Cathay  and  the  Way  Thither,  I,  p.  151): 

Suppose  such  au  one’s  father  to  die,  then  the  sou  will  say,  “I  desire  to  pay  respect 
to  my  father's  memory;”  aud  so  lie  calls  together  all.  the  priests  and  monks  and 
players  in  the  country  round,  and  likewise  all  the  neighbors  and  kinsfolk,  and  they 
carry  the  body  into  the  country  with  great  rejoicings.  And  they  have  a great  table 
in  readiness,  upon  which  the  priests  cut  off  the  head,  and  then  this  is  presented  to 
the  son,  and  the  son  aud  all  the  company  raise  a chant  and  make  many  prayers  for 
the  dead.  Then  the  priests  cut  the  whole  of  the  body  to  pieces,  and  when  they  have 
done  so  they  go  up  again  to  the  city  with  the  whole  company,  praying  for  him  as 
they  go.  After  this  the  eagles  and  vultures  come  down  from  the  mountains,  and 
every  one  takes  his  morsel  and  carries  it  away.  Then  all  the  company  shout  aloud, 
saying,  “Behold!  the  man  is  a saint.  For  the  angels  of  God  come  aud  carry  him  to 
paradise.”  Aud  in  this  way  the  son  deems  himself  to  be  honored  in  no  small  degree, 
seeing  that  his  father  is  borne  off  in  this  creditable  manner  by  the  angels.  And  so 
he  takes  his  father's  head  and  straightway  cooks  it  and  eats  it,  and  of  the  skull 
he  maketh  a goblet,  from  which  he  and  all  the  family  always  drink  devoutly  to  the 
memory  of  the  deceased  father.  And  they  say  that  by  eating  in  this  way  they  show 
their  great  respect  for  their  father. 

Colouel  Yule,  commenting  on  tlie  preceding  passage,  says: 

Klaproth  quotes  passages  showing  a knowledge  of  this  mode  of  disposing  of  the 
dead  from  Strabo,  Cicero’s  Tusculan  Questions,  and  Justin.  Strabo  also  ascribes  to 
theCaspii  the  opinion  that  those  whose  bodies  the  birds  appropriated  were  blessed. 
Herodotus  and  Mela  ascribe  such  practices  to  the  Issedonians  and  Scythians,  “Cor- 
pora ipsa  laniata  et  ciesis  pecorum  visceribus  immista  epulando  consumunt.  Capita 
ubi  fabri  expolivere  auro  vincta  pro  poculis  gerunt.”  (Pomp.  Mela,  n,  p.  l.)t 

1 have  shown  in  my  paper  “On  the  use  of  skulls  in  lamaist  cere- 
monies” (Proc.  Amer.  Orient.  Soc..  Oct.,  1888,  p.  xxn)  the  notions  pre- 
vailing in  Tibet  on  this  subject.  As  further  elucidating  the  above  pass- 
age from  Odoric’s  travels,  I may  mention  that  the  rapidity  with  which 
the  body  of  the  dead  is  devoured  by  the  birds  or  other  auimals  to  whom 
it  is  fed  is  held  to  be  a proof  of  the  good  luck  (or  karma)  of  the  deceased, 
and  therefore  the  skull  of  one  who  has  been  so  devoured  is  a good  one 
out  of  which  to  make  a libation  bowl. 

Chinese  authors  describe  as  follows  Tibetan  mortuary  customs: 

When  a person  dies  in  Tibet  the  corpse  is  tied  up  with  ropes,  the  face  being  put 
between  the  knees  and  the  hands  stuck  under  the  legs.  The  body  is  wrapped  in 
the  everyday  clothes  of  the  deceased  and  put  in  a rawhide  bag.  The  men  and 
women  having  lamented  in  common  over  their  loss,  suspend  the  corpse  by  means  of 

*See  Reinaud.  Relation  des  voyages  faits  par  les  Arabes,  etc.,  i,  pp.52,  68,  70. 

tConf.  Strabo's  remarks  about  the  Hibernians  and  the  Massagetie.  Bk.  v.  4 aud 
Bk.  xi,  8.  Also  Ammfanus  Marcellinus,  xxvn,  4,  aud  Herodotus  iv,  65. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


729 


ropes  from  the  rafters  and  request  the  lamas  to  come  read  the  sacred  books.  v * * 

A few  days  later  the  body  is  carried  to  the  corpse  cutter’s  place,  where  it  is  tied  to 
a stake  and  the  llesh  cut  off  and  given  to  dogs  to  eat.  This  is  called  a “ terrestrial 
burial.”  The  bones  are  crushed  in  a stone  mortar,  mixed  with  taamba,  made  into 
balls,  and  also  given  to  the  dogs  or  thrown  to  the  vultures,  and  this  latter  mode  of 
disposing  of  them  is  called  a “celestial  burial.”  Both  these  methods  are  considered 
highly  desirable. 

The  poor  dead  are  buried  in  the  streams,  the  corpse  being  simply  thrown  in.  This 
is  not  an  esteemed  mode  of  burial.  The  bodies  of  lamas  are  burnt  and  cairns  erected 
over  their  remains.  (Jour.  Roy.  Asiat.  Soc.,  n.  s.,  XXIII,  pp.  231-232;  Conf.  Land  of 
the  Lamas,  pp.  81,  and  286-287.)* 

Georgi  (op.  cit .,  p.  443)  gives  some  interesting  details,  which  I have 
not  seen  noticed  elsewhere.  He  says: 

Mosestetiam,  ut  Stimmorum  Lhamarum,  aliorumque  paucorum  cadavera  velsan- 
dalo,  quodcum  aloes  ligno  uouuulli  confundunt,  comburantur,  vel  balsamo  coudita 
sacris  in  loculis  reponantur.  * * * Vulgaris  qtioqtie  ac  fere  quotidiana  consul- 

tudo  in  Civibus,  houestisque  hominibus  sepeliendis  ist  haec  servatur.  Lliama,  vel 
Traba  quivis  aniuam,  ut  somniant,  e sumuio  capite  cadaveris  ad  hue  tepesceutis 
primum  educit.  Educitautem  hoc  pacto  cutem  verticis  digitis  arete  prehendam,  et 
corrugatamtamceleriac  vehemeuti  succussiouis  impetu  attrahit,  ut  earn  uuo  momento 
snbsilire,  ac  crepitarefaciat.  Turn  vero,  inquniut,  anima  defuncti  erupisse  creditur. 

Oapt.  Samuel  Turner  (Embassy,  p.  200)  says: 

It  is  the  custom  of  Tibet  to  preserve  entire  the  mortal  remains  of  their  sovereign 
lama  only;  every  other  corpse  is  either  consumed  by  tire  or  given  to  be  the  pro- 
miscuous food  of  beasts  and  birds  of  prey.  As  soon  as  life  has  left  the  body  of  a 
lama  it  is  placed  upright,  sitting  in  an  attitude  of  devotion,  his  legs  beiug  folded 
before  him,  w ith  the  instep  resting  upon  each  thigh  and  the  soles  of  the  feet  turned 
upward.  * * * The  right  hand  is  rested  with  its  back  upon  the  thigh,  with 

the  thumb  bent  across  the  palm.  The  left  arm  is  bent  and  held  close  to  the  body, 
the  hand  being  open  and  the  thumb  at  right  angles  with  the  fingers  touching  the 
point  of  the  shoulder.  This  is  the  attitude  of  abstracted  meditation. 

If  we  seek  for  mortuary  customs  similar  to  those  of  the  Tibetans  we 
have  not  far  to  go  to  find  them  among  other  Buddhist  people,  who 
may  probably  have  seen  in  the  custom  of  having  their  dead  bodies 
fed  to  birds  or  beasts  a supreme  act  of  charity,  for  which  Gautama 
Buddha  himself  set  the  example  when,  in  several  of  his  births,  prior  to 
his  reaching  Buddhahood,  as  related  in  the  Jataka,  he  gave  his  body 
as  food  to  hungry  tiger  whelps  or  other  famished  animals. 

In  Siam  it  is  not  uncommon  for  a person  to  direct  that  his  body  after 
death  shall  be  cut  up  and  fed  to  vultures  and  crows  (Sir  John  Bow- 
ring, The  Kingdom  and  People  of  Siam,  I,  p.  122),  and  in  Korea  it  is  cus- 
tomary, after  the  bodies  of  lamas  have  been  consumed  by  tire,  to  mix 
the  ashes  with  rice  flour  and  feed  them  to  birds.  The  “ towers  of 
silence”  of  the  Parsees  in  which  the  bodies  of  the  dead  are  devoured 
by  birds  is  another  analogous  method,  but  the  reasons  which  have  called 
this  custom  into  existence  with  them,  are,  of  course,  quite  different.! 

* For  a vivid  description  of  a “ terrestrial  burial,”  see  Aunales  de  la  Propagation 
de  la  Foi,  1865,  p.  289;  Conf.  also  Georgi,  Alpli.  Tibet.,  p.  441  et  seq. 

tThe  Kafirs  put  their  dead  in  boxes  and  expose  them  on  the  tops  of  high  moun- 
tains (Sir  P.  Lumsden,  Jour,  Anth.  Inst,  in,  p.  361. 


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In  Ladak  bodies  are  burned  fifteen  or  twenty  days  after  death,  during 
winch  tune  prayers  are  said  by  lamas.  In  the  case  of  a very  wealthy 
man  or  a chief,  after  the  body  has  been  burned  in  a metal  vessel, 
the  ashes  are  carefully  collected  and  made  into  an  image  of  the 
deceased.  A ch'iirteu  or  pyramid  is  erected  for  the  ashes,  and  in  it  are 
placed  various  kinds  of  grain,  precious  stones  and  metal,  rolls  of 
prayers  and  incense. 

The  body  of  a great  lama  is  interred  in  a sitting  posture  with  his 
clothes  and  all  the  implements  of  worship  he  was  accustomed  to  use 
daily.  The  coffin  is  deposited  in  a ch’iirteu.  before  which  for  some  time 
food  and  water  are  ottered  daily,  and  a light  is  kept  burning  every 
uight.  (Alex.  Cunningham,  Ladak.  p.  309.) 

As  to  their  signs  of  mourning,  Chinese  authors  tell  us  that  the  Tibe- 
tans, both  “ men  and  women  put  on  mourning  clothes,  and  for  one 
hundred  days  they  wear  no  colored  clothes,  and  during  that  period 
they  neither  comb  their  hair  nor  wash.  The  women  do  not  wear  their 
earrings  and  put  away  their  prayer  beads,  and  these  are  the  only  changes 
(in  dress)  they  make.  The  rich  invite  lamas  at  short  intervals  to  come 
and  read  the  sacred  books,  so  as  to  procure  for  the  deceased  the  joys 
of  the  nether  world.  After  one  year  it  is  all  at  an  end.”  (Journ.  Boy. 
Asiat.  Soc.,  n.  s.,  xx-m,  p.  233.) 

X. 

RELIGION— LAMAS— RELIGIOUS  ARCHITECTURE-OBJECTS  CONNECTED 
WITH  RELIGIOUS  WORSHIP. 

It  does  not  enter  into  the  plan  of  this  paper  to  describe  even  cur- 
sorily the  religious  beliefs  of  the  Tibetans.  Many  works  have  already 
been  written  on  the  subject,  but  much  remains  yet  to  be  done  before 
we  possess  a thorough  knowledge  of  it.  Buddhism,  which  was  intro- 
duced into  the  country  in  the  seventh  century  A.  D..  has  remained 
since  then  the  religion  of  Tibet.  It  is  that  form  of  Buddhism  which  is 
known  as  Mahayfma  Buddhism,  in  which  magic  demouolatry  and  mys- 
ticism have  become  such  commanding  features  that  it  is  with  difficulty 
that  we  can  trace  in  the  forms  of  worship  obtaining  at  present  in  Tibet 
any  of  the  simplicity  characteristic  of  early  Buddhism  and  still  to  be 
found,  to  a certain  extent,  among  the  Buddhists  of  Southern  Asia.* 

The  Buddhism  of  Tibet  is  usually  called  Lamaism,  the  word  “ lama,” 
written  bla-ma  and  meaning  ‘‘the  superior  one,”  being  that  giveu  by 
Chinese  and  foreigners  generally  to  the  members  of  the  Buddhist 
monastic  order  in  Tibet.  In  Tibet,  however,  this  word  is  reserved  for 

‘ Primitive  Lamaism  may  Be  defined  as  a priestly  mixture  of  Shivaic  mysticism, 
magic  and  Indo-Tibetan  demonolatry  overlaid  by  the  thinnest  veneer  of  Mahayana 
Buddhism.  And  to  the  present  day  Lamaism  still  retains  these  features.  * * * 

But  neither  in  the  essentials  of  Lamaism  itself  nor  in  its  sectarian  aspects  do  the 
truly  Buddhist  doctrines,  as  taught  by  Sakya  Mum.  play  any  leading  part.  (L.  A. 
Waddell.  Lamaism  and  its  Sects,  in  Imp.  and  Asiatic  Quarterly  Review,  vu.  and  his 
Buddhism  of  Tibet,  p.  17.) 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


731 


those  monks  who  have  not  only  taken  the  highest  theological  degrees, 
but  who  have  also  led  a saintly  life  and  become  famed  for  their  knowl- 
edge. The  word  draba  is  used  by  Tibetans  as  a generic  term  for  all 
persons  connected  with  the  order,  monks  as  well  as  lay  brethren.* * * § 

The  usual  dress  of  the  lamas  consists  in  a kilt  reaching  down  to  a 
little  above  the  ankle,  a close-fitting  waistcoat,  similar  to  that  worn  by 
the  laity  (see  p.  687),  and  a shawl  passed  around  the  body,  and  the 
left  arm,  the  end  thrown  over  the  right  forearm,  so  as  to  leave  the  right 
shoulder  and  arm  uncovered.  The  head  is  shaved  and  the  lamas  wear 
no  head  covering  except  during  church  ceremonies  or  when  traveling; 
in  the  latter  case  they  wear  the  same  kind  of  hats  as  the  laity  and  also 
the  same  kind  of  clothes;  and  in  the  former,  hats  of  yellow  or  red 
color,  varying  in  shape  according  to  the  school  or  sect  to  which 
their  convent  belongs.  Gelugpa  lamas  usually  wear  a high  yellow  hat 
with  a fringe,  closely  resembling  the  helmets  worn  by  carabiniers.  (pi.  32.) 
It  is  called  dja-ser  or  u yellow  hat.”  t The  clothes  of  the  wealthier  lamas 
ai’e  made  of  tirma  (see  p.  699),  on  which  are  neatly  sewed  a few  little 
patches,  as  it  is  forbidden  them  to  wear  any  but  torn  or  worn-out  stuffs. 
Those  of  the  poorer  lamas  are  of  pruk  % 

Emil  Schlagintweit  (Buddhism  in  Tibet,  pp.  170-173)  says  of  the  dress 
of  lamas  (he  in  all  probability  refers  to  those  of-Ladak)  that  “their 
caps  are  made  of  double  felt  or  cloth,  between  which  are  put  charms. 
The  shape  of  the  cap  varies  considerably,  but  it  is  curious  that  they 
are  all  of  Chinese  or  Mongolian  fashion,  whilst  the  form  of  the  robes 
has  been  adopted  from  the  Hindus. ' Most  of  the  caps  are  conical  with 
a large  flap,  which  is  generally  doubled  up,  but  is  let  down  over  the  ears 
in  cold  weather.  The  head  lamas  wear  a particular  cap,  generally  low 
and  conical,  and  some  head  priests  of  western  Tibet  have  an  hexagonal 
hat  formed  of  pasteboard,  and  showing  four  steps  diminishing  toward 
the  top.”  § 

Others  wear  a miter  of  red  cloth  ornamented  with  flowers  of  gold  worked  in  the 
stuff.  This  latter  kind  of  cap  hears  a remarkable  resemblance  to  the  miters  of 
Roman  Catholic  bishops. 

The  gown  reaches  to  the  calves,  and  is  fastened  round  the  waist  by  a slender  gir- 
dle; it  has  an  upright  collar  and  is  closely  buttoned  up  at  the  neck.  In  Sikkim  the 
lamas  occasionally  wear,  slung  round  the  shoulders,  a kind  of  red  and  yellow  striped 
woolen  stole. 

The  inner  vest  has  no  sleeves  and  reaches  to  the  haunches.  The  trousers  are 
fastened  to  the  waist  by  a sort  of  lace  running  in  a drawing  hem.  In  winter  they 

* For  a general  knowledge  of  lamaic  worship,  I must  refer  the  reader  to  C.  F. 
Kreppen,  Die  Religion  des  Buddha,  Vol.  n , and  Emil  Schlagintweit,  Buddhism  in 
Tibet,  where  a full  account  of  the  various  religious  ceremonies  will  be  found;  also, 
for  various  interesting  details,  to  Sarat  Chandra  Das,  Indian  Pundits  in  the  Land  of 
Snow,  and  to  Dr.  L.  A.  Waddell's,  The  Buddhism  of  Tibet,  now  the  standard  work  on 
this  subject. 

tDr.  Waddell,  op.  cit.,  p.  196,  shows  20  styles  of  lama's  hats  and  cowls. 

t On  the  Gelugpa  Sect,  see  Dr.  Waddell,  op.  cit.,  p.  38. 

§ See  for  an  illustration  of  this  cap,  Alex.  Cunningham,  Ladak,  pi.  26. 


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REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


are  worn  over  the  larger  gown  as  a better  protection  against  the  cold.  In  Bhutan 
the  lamas  wear,  instead  of  trousers,  philibegs  hanging  nearly  as  far  as  the  knee. 

The  cloak  is  worn,  in  the  way  previously  described,  by  all  lamas;  it 
is  their  distinctive  ecclesiastical  dress. 

The  costume  of  the  nuns  (ani)  is  in  all  essential  particulars  the  same 
as  that  of  the  monks;  in  fact,  it  is  quite  difficult  to  tell  an  old  an i from 
a man  when  one  meets  her  with  shaved  head,  a prayer-wheel  in  one 
hand  and  alms  bowl  in  the  other,  wandering  from  house  to  house 
begging. 

Other  styles  of  headdress,  as  worn  in  eastern  Tibet,  are  described  in 
mv  Land  of  the  Lamas,  p.  238.  (See  also  Alex.  Cunningham,  Ladak, 
p.  372.) 

The  boots  of  lamas  are  of  the  kind  previously  described  (p.  68(1),  the 
only  peculiarity  being  as  there  stated,  that  the  vamps  are  of  white  cloth 
and  the  tops  of  red  pulo. 

The  costume  worn  by  lamas  in  Tibet  is,  with  slight  modifications,  the 
same  as  that  still  worn  in  Xepal  by  Buddhist  monks,  and  which  was 
originally  the  national  costume  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  country,  and 
was  probably  borrowed  from  the  latter  by  the  early  Tibetan  monks. 

At  religious  ceremonies  the  priests  wear  * * * a close-fitting  jacket  called  the 

“chivasa  ” and  a long  skirt  or  petticoat  called  the  “ nivasa,”  which  reaches  to  the 
ankles,  and  which  is  gathered  at  the  waist  into  a number  of  small  plaits  or  folds. 
The  chivasa  and  nivasa  .".rejoined  together  into  one  dress  at  the  waist,  round  which 
there  is  wrapped  an  ordinary  “ kammerband”  or  thick-rolled  waistcoat.  iH  A. 
Oldfield,  Sketches  from  Nepal,  ii.  140.) 

Religious  buildings. — Religious  buildings  and  monuments  in  Tibet  com- 
prise. (1)  Gonba  or  monasteries;  (2)  Lh'a-Vang  or  temples;  (3)  Mch'od- 
rten  (pronounced  vh’iirten ),  literally  “offerings  receptacle,”  and  perhaps 
better  known  by  their  Indian  name  of  cliaitya,  and  tsa-tsa  Vang,  recep- 
tacles for  offerings  called  tsa-tsa;  (4)  Mdni  trails , or  piles  of  stones  on 
which  are  incised  prayers  or  magic  formulas;  (5)  Lab-tse , or  heaps  of 
stones  on  the  summits  of  mountain  passes. 

The  monasteries  usually  consist  of  rows  of  small  houses  of  the  usual 
Tibetan  style  of  architecture,  built  in  close  proximity  to,  and  commonly 
around,  one  or  more  temples.  These  houses  consist  of  a dwelling,  gen- 
erally two  stories  high,  a storehouse  and  a small  courtyard.  The 
ground  tioor  of  the  dwelling  is  used  as  a stable.  The  outside  walls  of 
the  houses  are  painted  white,  and  those  of  the  dwellings  of  high  lama 
dignitaries  red.  These  houses  belong  to  individual  lamas,  who  rent 
portions  of  them  to  pilgrims  or  to  resident  lamas  who  have  no  homes  of 
their  own. 

Around  the  whole  monastery  is  usually  a high  wall,  and  the  approach 
to  the  main  entrance  is  marked  by  rows  of  ch'urtens  and  mani  walls. 
All  lamas*  residing  within  a gonba  are  entered  on  a register,  and  are 
obliged,  when  duly  qualified  after  a period  of  study,  to  take  part  in  the 
daily  ceremonies  performed  in  the  house  of  assembly  [duk’ang).  In 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893  — Rockhill. 


Plate  32. 


Yellow  Hat,  worn  by  lamas  of  the  Gelug  sect  in  church  ceremonies. 

Cat.  No.  131181,  U.  S.  N.  M.  Kumbum. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  33. 


Fig.  1.  Wooden  Mold.  Used  in  certain  religious  ceremonies,  depicting  a man 
driving  a loaded  yak  and  followed  l>y  a dog.  Ts’aidam. 

(Cat.  No.  131013,  F.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  2.  Copper  Water  Bottle.  With  red  truk  cover;  used  by  Lamas.  Kumbum. 
(Cat.  No.  167167,  TT.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  3.  Clay  Tsa-tsa.  Image  of  Tsongkapa. 

(Cat.  No.  167170c,  IX.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  4.  Clay  Tsa-tsa.  Image  of  Tsepamed. 

(Cat.  No.  167170a  TJ.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  5.  Clay  Tsa-tsa.  Ten  images  of  Tsepamed  i ?)  ch’urtens  on  either  side  of  each 
row  of  images. 

(Cat.  No.  167170b.  U.  S.  X.  H.) 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockhtll. 


Plate  33. 


Ceremonial  Objects. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


733 


consideration  of  this  they  are  supplied  daily  with  tea,  and  axso  receive 
an  annual  allowance  of  barley.  The  lamas  partake  of  their  first  meal 
after  noon,  until  which  time  they  are  only  allowed  to  moisten  their  lips 
with  water.  For  this  purpose  they  carry  in  their  belts  a little  copper 
or  silver  bottle  sewed  in  a bit  of  truk  (see  pi.  33,  fig.  2).  This  one  has 
two  brass  bands  around  the  mouth;  it  has  a brass  stopper,  on  the  top 
of  which  is  a hole,  through  this  passes  a leather  string,  by  which  the 
stopper  is  held  in  place. 

The  temples  ( Wa-k'ang ) are  throughout  Tibet  of  a Chinese  style  of 
architecture,  the  roofs  being,  however,  flat,  dirt  covered  ones,  except  in 
some  of  the  larger  and  more  famous  temples,  where  Chinese  tiles,  yellow 
or  blue,  have  been  used.  The  orientation  of  the  temples  does  not  appear 
to  be  a matter  of  much  importance,  as  I have  seen  some  facing  south, 
others  facing  east,  but  I do  not  remember  having  ever  heard  of  any 
lacing  west.  Schlagintweit  (op.  cit .,  p.  188)  says: 

The  walls  of  the  temples  look  toward  the  four  quarters  of  heaven,  and  each  side 
should  be  painted  with  a particular  color,  viz,  the  north  side  with  green,  the  south 
side  with  yellow,  the  east  side  with  white,  and  the  west  side  with  red,  but  this  rule 
seems  not  to  be  strictly  adhered  to. 

Most  temples,  as  a matter  of  fact,  are  painted  red,  and  the  columns 
in  front  of  them  are  also  frequently  painted  of  the  same  color. 

As  to  the  interior  arrangement  of  the  temples,  I must  refer  the  reader 
to  Dr.  Waddell’s  work  (p.  287  et  seq.)  and  to  Georgi’s  Alphabetum  Tibet- 
anum  (p.  400  et  seq.),  in  which  latter  work  will  be  found  a very  detailed 
description  of  the  great  temple  of  Lh’asa  (the  Jo  k’ang). 

The  ch’urten  or  “receptacles  for  offerings”  are  built  over  the  remains 
of  revered  lamas,  or  else  they  are  simply  decorative  or  commemorate 
some  important  event.  When  simply  used  as  receptacles  for  offerings 
they  are  filled  with  tsa-tsa,  that  being  the  name  given  to  a small 
clay  cone  which  the  Tibetans  make  iu  incalculable  thousands  in  molds 
and  deposit  in  these  ch’iirtens.  In  some  parts  of  the  country  they  build 
little  hutches  of  rough  logs  for  this  purpose.  These  are  called  tsa-tsa 
k’ang. 

These  tsa-tsa  are  usually  conical,  in  imitation  of  the  form  of  the  ch’iir- 
en.  In  figs.  3,  4,  and  5,  of  pi.  33,  are  depicted  another  variety  of  tsa- 
tsa,  flat  and  in  the  shape  of  a shrine.  Iu  one  of  these,  which  is  3 inches 
long  and  about  2 wide,  are  10  figures  of  gods  in  relief;  in  another  is 
Tsepamed  (Amitayus),  and  iu  a third  Tsongkapa  is  represented. 

The  form  of  the  chorteus  varies  much  more  thau  that  of  their  prototypes,  the 
stupas.  The  base  of  the  stupa  is  a cylinder  or  cube,  upon  which  a body  shaped 
like  a cupola  is  set  up.  Stupas  which  have  been  broken  tlown  have  been  found  to 
be  solid  buildings,  with  a little  shrine  in  the  center  only,  in  which  has  been  deposited 
the  burnt  bones  of  a human  being,  together  with  coins,  jewels,  and  inscribed  slabs. 
The  bones  are  sometimes  inclosed  in  small  cases  made  of  the  precious  metals. 

In  the  Tibetan  chorteus  this  form  has  in  general  undergone  considerable  modifica- 
tions. The  unaltered  ancient  type  has  remained  limited  to  the  smaller  chorteus  put 
up  in  the  temples.  The  principal  difference  between  a stupa  and  chorten  is  that  in 


734 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


the  latter  the  cupola  is  either  surmounted  by  a cone  or  that  it  is  inverted.  The 
most  general  style  is  the  following:  The  base  is  a cube,  upon  which  rests  the 
inverted  cupola.  This  cupola  is  the  principal  part.  It  incloses  the  objects  enshrined, 
and  in  it  is  the  hole  leading  to  the  space  for  the  offerings.  A graduated  pinnacle 
rises  above  it,  and  this  is  either  a cone  of  stones  or  a wooden  spire.  It  is  surmounted 
by  a disk  placed  horizontally  and  a spear-shaped  point,  or,  instead  of  it,  by  a crescent 
supporting  a globe  and  the  pear  upon  that.  * * * 

The  materials  used  for  the  chortens  in  the  open  air  are  rough  stones,  bricks,  or 
clay;  they  are  almost  all  of  solid  masonry.  The  outer  surfaces  are  thickly  plastered 
with  mortar,  which  is  colored  red  with  the  dust  of  pounded  bricks.  * * * The 

height  of  the  chorten  is  in  general  from  8 to  15  feet,  though  a few  considerably 
exceed  this  latter  height.  * - * Those  set  up  in  the  temples  are  molded  from 

metal,  or.  more  generally,  from  clay  mixed  with  chopped  straw.  Occasionally  they 
are  carved  of  wood,  but  such  chorten  scarcely  ever  exceed  1 feet.  They  are  often 
not  higher  than  as  many  inches.  (Emil.  Schlagintweit,  Buddhism  in  Tibet,  pp.  192- 
196.  p 

There  is  in  the  Museum  collection  a photograph  of  the  celebrated 
lamaist  sanctuary  of  Wu-t’ai  shan  ( Ri-vo  tsena),  in  Shau-hsi.  in  northern 
China,  which  shows  a very  fine  ch’iirten,  probably  00  feet  high,  with  a 
large  gilt  spire  of  the  horizontal  circle  and  vertical  disk  and  crescent 
style  described  by  Schlagintweit.  In  this  ch’iirten  is  said  to  be  kept  a 
body  relic  of  the  Buddha  Gautama. 

Mdni  trails. — This  name  is  given  to  long,  low  walls  of  rough  stones, 
on  the  surface  of  which  are  incised  sacred  formulas,  usually  the 
famous  six-syllable  formula  Omi  mdni  padme  ham.  The  name  given 
the  wall  is  derived  from  the  name  of  this  prayer,  which  is  col 
loquially  called  •*  the  mani.”  They  are  also  known  as  mendong , prob- 
ably written  mang  dong , “many  stones.”  Frequently  images  of  gods 
are  incised  on  the  stones,  and  1 have  also  seen  long  passages  of  the 
Scriptures  on  them.  Frequently  a whole  mdni  wall  will  be  covered  with 
slabs  on  which  are  inscribed  one  of  the  loug  theological  works  in  which 
lamas  so  delight,  sometimes  the  Pradjna  paranuta  in  8,000  verses. 
Plate  34  shows  an  inscribed  stone  from  a mdni  wall  in  a Bonbo  country 
of  northeastern  Tibet  (Jyade).  It  is  of  slate,  is  painted  red.  and  the 
mantra  incised  on  it  is  Om,  matrimuye  sale  lulu,  a favorite  one  of  the 
Bonbos. 

Schlagintweit  (op.  cit.,  p.  197)  says  the  longest  mdni  wall  known  of 
is  2,200  feet  long.  Some,  lie  says,  have  a kind  of  tower  at  either 
end,  occasionally  in  the  form  of  a ch’iirten,  with  a sacred  image  in 
front,  and  a large  pole  to  which  flags  with  prayers  are  attached  are 
also  not  unfrequent  at  the  ends  of  munis.  Travelers,  when  passing 
along  these  mdni  walls,  leave  them  on  their  left  side  if  they  are  true 
believers,  and  on  their  right  if  they  belong  to  the  Bonbo  faith. f 

Lab  -tse  or  heaps  of  stones,  also  called  dobong , and  in  Mongol  obo,  are 
to  be  seen  on  the  summit  of  every  pass  in  Tibet,  and  frequently  at  the 

'The  shape  of  the  ch’iirten  is  symbolical,  but  I can  not  enter  into  an  explanation 
of  it  here.  See  Dr.  Waddell,  op.  cit.,  p.  262  etseq. 

t See  also  on  ch’iirtens,  H.  A.  Oldfield,  Sketches  from  Xipal,  ii,  211. 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockhill 


Plate  34. 


Piece  of  red  Schist,  with  dharani  incised  on  surface. 
Cat.  No.  1G7171,  U.  S.  N.  M.  Jyatlfi. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET 


735 


mouths  of  the  valleys  leading  up  to  them.  Though  in  all  probability 
they  had  no  religious  signification  originally,  they  have  acquired  one, 
and  the  stone  which  every  traveler  as  he  passes  by  does  not  fail  to 
throw  on  the  heap,  is  now  put  there  as  an  offering  to  the  gods,  and 
when  throwing  it  down  each  one  makes  a short  prayer,  which  ends 
with,  “ Lhajya-lo , lliajya-lo ” “Gods,  (give  me)  a hundred  years;  gods, 
(give  me)  a hundred  years.” 

In  these  stone  heaps  are  usually  stuck  large  bunches  of  brushwood 
and  also  frequently  huge  wooden  arrows,  the  meaning  of  which  latter 
I have  failed  to  ascertain.  Bits  of  wool,  rags,  and  pieces  of  cotton  on 
which  are  stamped  mantras  and  dharanis  flutter  from  the  branches  or 
hang  in  long  rows  from  strings  tied  to  them  and  to  some  big  stone 
fifty  or  more  feet  oft'.* 

Stone  heaps  similar  in  shape  and  built  for  similar  purposes  are  found 
in  the  Navajo  and  Moqui  countries  in  Arizona.  Speaking  of  the 
Moqui,  Fewkes  says : 

Ma-sau-wnb  shrines  are  simply  heaps  of  sticks  or  piles  of  stones,  and  it  is  cus- 
tomary for  an  Indian  toiling  up  the  trail  with  a heavy  bundle  of  wood  on  the  back 
to  throw  a small  fragment  from  the  load  upon  these  shrines  or  to  cast  a stone  upon 
them  as  he  goes  to  his  farm.  These  are  offerings  to  Ma-sau-wuli,  the  tire  god,  or 
deity  of  the  surface  of  earth.  (J.  Walter  Fewkes,  Journ.  Amer.  Ethnology  and 
Archaeology,  IV,  p.  41.) 

The  custom  of  making  offerings  ou  mountain  tops  is  too  common  in 
other  countries,  especially  in  South  America,  to  require  more  than  a 
passing  reference  here.  Acosta,  in  his  History  of  the  Indies  (11,  p.  309, 
Hakluyt  Soe.  Edit.),  says  of  the  Peruvians; 

They  have  used  as  they  goe  by  the  way,  to  cast  in  the  crosse  ways,  on  the  hilles, 
and  toppes  of  mountaines,  which  they  call  Apachitas,  olde  shooes,  feathers,  and 
coca  chewed,  being  an  herb  they  use  much.  And  when  they  have  nothing  left, 
they  cast  a stone  as  an  offering,  that  they  might  passe  freely,  and  have  greater 
force,  the  which  they  say  increaseth  by  this  means.  * * * They  used  another 

offering  nolesse  absurd,  pulling  the  hair  from  the  eyebrowes  to  offer  it  to  the  Sunne, 
hills,  Apachitas,  to  the  winds,  or  to  any  other  thing  they  feare. 

We  also  find  this  custom  of  offering  rags  at  sacred  shrines  in  Ire 
land  and  among  the  Mohammedan  peoples  of  northern  Africa. 

The  custom  of  walking  around  a sacred  building  or  monument,  a 
custom  called  Fonca  in  Tibetan,  was  followed  in  India  in  the  early 
days  of  Buddhism  as  well  as  by  the  wild  Turkish  tribes  which  inhab- 
ited northern  and  northeastern  Asia  in  the  second  century  B.  0.  Thus 
in  the  Cli’ien  Han  shu,  book  94,  it  is  said  that  the  Hsiung-nu  and  the 
Sien-pi,  at  the  great  autumnal  sacrifice  to  heaven,  rode  three  times 
around  a little  clump  of  trees.  It  is  also  common  in  parts  of  Africa, 
as,  for  example,  among  the  Oromo  of  Abyssinia  (Borelli,  L’Etlnopie 
ineridionale,  p.  210),  and  was  followed  centuries  ago  in  northern  Europe 
and  in  other  parts  of  the  world.  (See  Land  of  the  Lamas,  p.  G7.) 

* On  this  subject  the  reader  should  also  consult  Emil  Schlagintweit’s  valuable 
work,  pp  198-200. 


736  REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 

A Tibeian  liistorv  of  the  sautlal  wood  image  of  the  Buddha,  known 
as  the  Tsandan  Jovo  and  now  preserved  in  the  Chan-tan  ssu  at  Peking, 
referring  to  tlie  benefits  to  be  derived  from  walking  round  sacred  monu 
uients,  says  (p.  If  et  seq .): 

He  who  walks  around  a ch'iirten. 

In  all  circumstances  of  life, 

By  gods,  nagas.  and  yakshas, 

As  by  rakshas,  shall  be  honored. 

Whoever  makes  a ceremonial  circle 

Of  the  ch'iirten  of  the  Lord  of  the  world  [i.  e , the  Buddha] 
Acquires  more  [might]  than  by  recitiug 
Charms  during  a million  of  world  periods. 

Fire  and  poison  and  weapons 
Shall  never  bring  about  his  death  ; 

Living  in  wisdom,  in  the  fullness  of  time — 

When  his  life  is  run.  he  shall  die. 

He  who  circumambulates  a ch’iirten 
Shall  have  wealth  of  castles,  wealth  of  land, 

Of  villages  a goodly  store; 

He  shall  reach  the  summit  of  worldly  bliss.  » 

While  walking  round  the  ch’iirten  he  must  repeat  the  following  Sans- 
krit charm: 

Namo  Bhagavate  ratna  ketu  radjaya  Tathagathayu  aryate  samyak-saiu-Buddhaya 
tatyatha.  Om  ratne,  ratne.  malm  ratna,  ratna  vidzaya.  Swaha. 

Objects  connected  with  religious  icorship. — The  rosary  (treng-wa)  is  not 
only  an  essential  part  of  the  lama’s  dress  but  of  that  of  nearly  all  the 
laity,  male  and  female,  in  Tibet. 

As  a Buddhist  article  [says  Dr.  Waddell]  the  rosary  is  especially  peculiar  to  the 
northern  school  of  Buddhists,  and  the  outcome  of  the  esoteric  teachings  of  the 
Mahayana  school,  instilling  belief  in  the  potency  of  muttering  mystic  spells  and 
other  strange  formulas.  (L.  A.  Waddell,  Jour.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  LXI,  p.  24,  et  seq.) 

On  pi.  35  is  shown  the  form  of  rosary  in  common  use  among  lamas. 
It  contains  108  discoidal  shell  beads,  of  uniform  size,  divided  into  four 
groups  of  27  beads  each  by  3 red  coral  beads;  where  the  two  ends  of 
the  string  of  beads  come  together  they  are  passed  through  a large 
amber  bead,  a smaller  discoidal,  and  a conical  one,  so  that  the  two 
look  like  a fat,  long-necked  vase.  These  last  two  beads  are  called 
do-dzin  ( rdog-hdzin ),  “retaining  or  seizing  beads.’’ 

Four  short  leather  thongs  strung  on  the  rosary  beside  the  do-dzin  by 
silver  rings  have  silver  beads  on  each  of  them,  and  at  the  lower  end  of 
one  there  is  a little  silver  dorje.  These  strings  are  used  as  counters 
(drang-dzin)  in  the  following  fashion : When  a certain  charm  has  been 
recited  108  times  the  first  bead  on  the  string,  to  which  is  attached  the 
dorje , is  slid  up  the  string,  and  soon  for  each  series  of  108  repetitious  till 
the  tenth  time;  then  the  tirst  bead  on  the  string  next  to  the  dorje  string 
is  slid  up,  and  so  on  for  the  four  strings  of  counters.  Usually  the  string 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  35. 


Rosary  of  shell  beads;  counters  of  silver. 

Cat.  Xo.  167271.  U.  S.  X.  M.  Kumbum. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  36. 


Fig  1.  Rosewood  Rosary.  Ta-chien-ln 
(Cat  No.  1G72G7,  tT.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  2.  Yellow  Wood  Rosary.  Bat'aug. 

(Cat.  Xo.  131058,  V.  S.  X.  if.) 

Fig.  3.  Mohammedan  Rosary.  Of  bone  and  date  seeds.  Hsi-ning  Fu. 
(Cat.  Xo.  167300.  V.  S.  X.  M.) 


Report  of  National  Museum  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  36. 


Rosaries. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


737 


next  to  the  one  on  which  is  hung  the  dorje  has  a bell  ( drilbu ) attached 
to  it:  the  third  string  has  a magic  peg  (purbu)  on  it,  and  the  fourth  a 
wheel  (k’or-lo). 

Rosaries  are  frequently  ornamented  with  small  coral  or  turquoise 
beads  hanging  from  them,  and  it  is  usual  to  put  narrow  silver  rings  on 
either  side  of  the  large  coral  beads  dividing  the  successive  groups  of 
beads  in  the  striug. 

Another  treng  tea,  the  beads  of  which  are  sections  of  human  skulls, 
and  the  dividing  beads  pieces  of  conch  shell,  is  in  the  Museum  collec- 
tion. The  do-dzin  are  two  in  number,  a large  amber  bead  and  a small 
wooden  one.  Such  T,osaries,  Dr.  Waddell  remarks  ( loc . sup.  cit .),  are 
especially  used  for  the  worship  of  Dorje  jig-clde  (Yama),  the  King  of  the 
Dead. 

One  set  of  small  beads,  of  narrow  discs  of  rosewood,  with  four  red 
coral  beads,  is  shown  in  fig.  1 of  pi.  36.  In  this  set  the  coral  beads  have 
to  be  counted,  so  as  to  complete  the  number  of  10S.  This  string  is  as 
it  came  from  the  dealer,  and  has  no  counters  on  it.  Such  rosaries  are 
apparently  of  the  class  called  “ red  sandalwood  rosary”  by  Dr.  Wad- 
dell, which,  he  says,  are  used  only  in  the  worship  of  the  fierce  deity 
Tamdrin,  a special  protector  of  lamaism. 

Fig.  2 shows  a rosary  of  discoidal  beads  of  yellow  wood,  in  which 
narrow  lilies  of  lighter  color  radiate  from  the  center  to  near  the  circum- 
ference. The  dividing  beads  are  of  the  same  material  as  the  rest  of 
the  rosary  but  slightly  larger  aud  thicker.  This  rosary  belongs  to  the 
class  called  ser-treng , or  u yellow  rosary,”  and  is  the  special  rosary  of 
the  Gelupa,  or  reformed  school  of  lamaism.  It  may  be  used  for  all 
kinds  of  worship,  including  that  of  the  furies. 

On  pi.  37  is  shown  a Chiuese  rosary  of  IS  olive- shaped  beads  of 
some  hard,  light-brown  wood  (or  seeds);  each  bead  is  cut  into  an 
image  of  one  of  the  18  Lohan  (Arhats).  This  is  the  usual  number  of 
beads  used  in  rosaries  ( su-cliu j in  China.  Another  Chinese  rosary, 
made  of  some  kind  of  rough  brown  seed,  jiossibly  the  same  as  that 
used  in  Tibet  for  rosaries,  and  there  called  Bodhi  shing , is  in  the  Museum 
collection.*  Dr.  Waddell  (op.  siq).  cit.,  28)  says  the  tree  which  bears 
this  seed  grows  in  the  outer  Hima’ayas. 

Besides  the  materials  used  in  the  manufacture  of  rosaries  mentioned 
by  Dr.  Waddell,  I found  that  the  Tibetans  greatly  prized  for  this  pur- 
pose two  varieties  of  seeds,  the  one,  called  by  the  Chinese  feng-yen 
po-ti  mu  or  “ Bodhi  wood  with  phoenix  eyes,”  the  other  Using  yiieh  mu  or 
“ wood  with  the  stars  and  moon  on  it.”  These  seeds  are  turned  spher- 
ical and  then  polished.  The  feng-yen  leuo  is,  I believe,  the  same  as  the 
Pin-po  of  the  Cautonese,  identified,  if  I am  not  wrong,  with  & terculia 
lanceolata. 

Rosaries  made  at  Wu-t’aishan,  the  famous  lamaist  sanctuary  of 
northern  China,  are  turned  from  pieces  of  poplar  wood  aud  stained 


* Not  illustrated  In  this  paper. 

H.  Mis.  184,  pt.  2 17 


738 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


yellow.  Great  quantities  are  carried  away  from  this  place  every  year 
by  Mongol  and  Tibetan  pilgrims. 

PI.  3G.  fig.  3 shows  a rosary  of  99  bone  beads  divided  into  three  series 
of  33  beads  each  by  date  stones.  The  two  ends  of  the  string  pass 
through  a large  bead  made  of  a piece  of  conch  shell.  This  is  the  style 
of  rosary  used  by  Mohammedans  in  China.  The  number  99  corresponds 
to  the  number  of  the  names  or  attributes  of  Allah.* 

Prayer  iclieels. — The  same  teachings  which  caused  the  northern  Bud- 
dhists to  believe  in  the  efficacy  of  continually  mumbling  unintelligible 
formulas  must  be  held  responsible  for  the  invention  of  the  ingenious 
mechanical  contrivance  known  as  a “ prayer  wheel”  or  “prayer-barrel,” 
which,  when  turned  the  right  way — from  left  to  right — is  as  efficacious 
as  if  the  person  turning  it,  or  who  had  it  built,  recited  himself  all  the 
prayers  inclosed  in  it  on  printed  slips  of  paper.  Each  complete  revo- 
lution of  the  wheel  counts  as  one  repetition  of  all  the  prayers  contained 
in  the  barrel. 

Alexander  Cunningham  (Ladak,  p.  3 To)  says  that  the  earliest  men- 
tion of  the  prayer- wheel  is  found  in  the  Records  of  the  Western  World 
of  the  Chinese  Buddhist  pilgrim  Fa-lisieu,  who  visited  India  in  the  fifth 
century  of  our  era.  This,  however,  is  an  error  resulting  from  a mis- 
translation in  Abel  Remusat’s  rendering  of  the  Chinese  text.  Gen. 
Cunningham  also  gives  a medal  of  Hushka  (first  century  A.  D.)  on 
which  is  a man  holding  in  his  hand  what  he  takes  to  be  a prayer 
wheel.  At  all  events  the  prayer  wheel  is  and  has  been  for  five  or  six 
centuries  at  least  a popular  instrument  in  not  only  Tibet  but  in  Korea 
and  Japan,  in  which  two  latter  countries,  however,  only  the  larger 
cli'os  k'or-lo  are  found.  (See  on  this  subject  Emil  Schlagintweit,  Bud- 
dhism in  Tibet,  p.  229  et  seq.  and  Land  of  the  Lamas,  p.  334.) 

The  prayer- wheel  is  of  two  kinds:  The  first  comprises  hand  wheels, 
wheels  turned  by  the  wind  or  by  water,  and  small  stationary  wheels 
or  barrels  placed  either  in  a house  or  in  rows  near  a temple  or  along 
an  interior  gallery  of  a house  or  the  base  of  a ch’iirten.  The  second 
class  are  much  larger  machines  and  are  only  found  in  temples.  They 
are  sometimes  30  or  40  feet  high  and  lo  or  20  feet  in  diameter.  In  them 
is  placed  a collection  of  the  canonical  books  of  lamaism  ( Kandjur ),  and 
by  means  of  bars  fixed  in  the  lower  extremity  of  the  axis  of  the  barrel 
it  is  put  in  motion.  These  wheels,  from  the  works  in  them  being  “the 
law  ” (ch'ds),  are  called  ch'os  k'or-lo , while  the  first  class  of  wheels  hav- 
ing usually  only  the  formula  am  mani  padme  hum  (colloquially  called 
“the  mani")  printed  on  the  pages  wrapped  up  in  them,  are  known  as 
mani  k'or-lo. 

The  prayer-wheel  consists  of  a cylinder  of  metal,  or,  in  the  larger 
wheels,  of  leather  or  even  wood,  through  which  runs  an  axle  of  wood 
or  iron  around  which  it  pivots.  In  the  interior  are  arranged,  one  on 

' On  Burmese  Buddhist  rosaries,  see  Dr.  L.  A.  Waddell,  Proc.  Asiatic  Soc.  of  Bengal, 
December,  1892. 


Report  of  National  Museum.  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  37. 


Chinese  Rosary. 

Each  head  cut  to  represent  one  of  the  eighteen  Lohan. 
Cat.  Xo  130388,  U.  S.  X.  M. 


Report  of  National  Museum  1893. — Rock h ill. 


Plate  38. 


Prayer  Wheel  covered  with  red  cotton  cloth. 

Roughly  carved  wooden  handle. 

Cat.  No.  167169,  U.  S.  N.  M.  Ts’aidam. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  39. 


Prayer-wheel  and  parts  of  Prayer-wheel. 

Fig.  la.  Stationary  Prayer-wheel.  Drum  of  brass. 

(Cat.  No.  130393,  TT.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  lb.  Top  oe  Stationary  Prayer-wheel. 

(Cat.  No.  130393.  TT.  S.  N.  II.) 

Fig.  1<\  Bottom  of  Stationary  Prayer-wheel. 

(Cat.  No.  130393.  I*.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  Id.  Prayer  Sheets. 

(Cat.  No.  131014,  TJ.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  2a.  Body  of  Bronze  Prayf.r-wheel.  With  silver  ornamentation. 
(Cat.  No.  130392.  TJ.  S.  N.  M ) 

Fig.  2b.  Top  of  Bronze  Prayer-wheel.  With  silver  ornamentation. 
(Cat.  No.  130392.  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  2c.  Bottom  of  Bronze  Prayer-whef.i.. 

(Cat.  No.  130392.  TJ.  S.  N.  M. ) 

Fig.  2d.  Prayers  Wrapped  Round  Axle. 

(Cat.  No.  130392.  TJ.  S N.  II.) 

Fig.  2c.  Handle  of  Prayer-wheel.  With  knob  of  silver  on  top. 

(Cat.  No.  130392,  TJ.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  3.  Brass  Hand  Prayer-whef.i..  From  Darjeeling. 

(Cat.  No.  74493,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 


Report  of  National  Museum  1893. — Rockhill 


Plate  39. 


Prayer  Wheel  and  parts  of  Prayer  Wheel. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


739 


top  of  the  other,  sheets  of  paper  or  leaves  of  a book  on  which  “ the 
mani ” or  some  other  spell  is  printed  in  very  hue  characters,  the  liner 
the  better.  The  sheets  are  wound  on  the  axle  from  right  to  left,  and 
the  wheel  when  set  in  motion  must  revolve  in  the  opposite  way,  so  chat 
the  writing-  passes  in  front  of  the  person  turning  the  wheel  in  the  way 
in  which  it  is  to  read,  i.  e.,  from  left  to  right. 

A roughly  made  hand  prayer-wheel  with  a felt  barrel  covered  with 
coarse  woolen  cloth  is  represented  in  pi.  38.  An  iron  pivot  runs  through 
the  barrel  and  fits  in  a roughly  carved  wooden  handle.  The  cylinder 
is  covered  with  a piece  of  red  cotton  cloth,  to  the  corners  of  which  are 
attached  glass  beads. 

On  pi.  39,  fig.  2 is  shown  a hand  prayer-wheel.  The  cylinder  is  of 
bronze,  the  top  being  ornamented  with  a silver  wheel  decorated  with 
coral  and  turquoise  beads.  The  bottom  has  four  dorje,  and  on  the 
sides  is  the  six-syllable  spell  in  landza  characters  in  silver.  On  a baud 
above  this  are  dorje,  and  on  a band  around  the  bottom  are  lotus  leaves. 
On  the  top  is  a wheel  in  silver  in  which  are  set  coral  and  turquoise 
beads.  This  is  a very  fine  specimen  of  Tibetan  workmanship.  TLie 
top  of  the  axis  terminates  in  a silver  ornament  of  pineapple  shape. 

On  this  plate  is  also  represented  a small  stationary  table  or  wheel 
(fig-.  1),  the  axle  of  which  projects  above  the  top,  so  that  it  may  be  put  in 
motion  without  moving  it  from  the  stand  on  which  it  rests.  The  cylin- 
der is  of  bronze  with  raised  ornamentation  of  dorje,  and  the  mani 
prayer  in  Nepalese  Sanskrit  characters. 

In  fig.  1 there  is  also  represented  a strip  of  Chinese  paper  on  one  side 
of  which  is  printed  the  formula  Om,  mani  padme,  hum.  This  formula 
is  repeated  nearly  400  times  on  this  sheet,  and  in  one  of  the  small 
prayer- wheels  previously  described  about  100  pages  can  be  wrapped  in 
the  cylinder.  Consequently  a complete  revolution  of  the  wheel  is  equiv- 
alent to  repeating  the  formula  40,000  times'.  A prayer- wheel  complete, 
from  Darjeeling,  India,  is  also  shown  in  fig.  3. 

The  cups  used  with  the  small  prayer-wheels  turned  by  the  force  of 
the  wind  are  cut  out  of  pieces  of  pine  wood  and  are  in  shape  exactly 
like  the  cups  of  an  anemometer.  (See  Smithsonian  Report,  1892,  p. 
676,  where  is  also  shown  a prayer-wheel  turned  by  water.) 

Bits  of  cotton  with  prayers  printed  on  them  and  tied  to  strings  or  to 
high  poles  placed  over  houses,  and  known  as  la-der,  belong  to  the  same 
class  of  objects  as  the  prayer- wheels;  each  time  these  bits  of  stutt 
flutter  in  the  breeze  it  is  as  if  the  prayer  written  on  them  had  been 
recited.  The  figure  of  a horse  is  frequently  stamped  on  these  pieces  of 
cloth  and  around  it  is  a long  formula.  These  are  called  lung  ta , or  “ wind 
horses,”  and  are,  among  many  other  uses,  for  the  special  protection  of 
travelers.  (See  Emil  Schlagintweit,  Buddhism  in  Tibet,  p.  253  et  seq., 
and  Waddell,  op.  cit.,  p.  408  et  seq.) 

The  principal  objects  used  by  lamas  in  church  ceremonies,  or  while 
reading  the  sacred  books,  are  the  small  hand  drum  ( damaru ),  frequently 
made  of  children’s  skulls  and  covered  with  snake  skin,  the  bell  ( drilbu ), 


740 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


and  the  dorje  (the  Indian  vajra  or  Indra’s  thr  iderbolt).  Next  in  impor- 
tance to  them  come  the  holy-water  vase  ( bumba ),  the  mirror  ( me-long ), 
the  triangular  nail  ( purbu ),  and  the  skull  bowl  (fddpa). 

On  pi.  40,  fig.  2 is  shown  a damaru , made  of  two  skulls  attached 
together  by  a wooden  disk  cemented  to  them.  Heads  of  devils  and 
skulls  are  painted  on  them  in  red  and  blue.  A small  cotton  band 
covers  the  disk  between  the  two  heads  and  projects  a few  inches,  so 
that  the  person  using  the  drum  may  hold  it  in  his  hand,  his  thumb  and 
forefinger  being  placed  around  the  disk  of  wood  between  the  drum- 
heads. There  are  two  small  knobs  covered  with  cloth  depending  from 
this  band  by  short  strings  of  such  length  that  when  the  drum  is  twirled 
sharply  around  they  strike  the  heads.  This  damaru  was  collected  by 
Rev.  C.  H.  A.  Dali. 

The  other  figure  on  the  same  plate  represents  a damaru  rather  smaller 
than  the  preceding  one.  The  skulls  of  which  it  is  made  are  not  deco- 
rated, but  the  band  by  which  it  is  held  in  the  hand  is  of  embroidered 
satin  decorated  with  elaborately  knotted  silk  tassels  of  Chinese  make. 

The  bell  ( dril-bu ) of  the  lamas  is  of  bronze  and  usually  about  2^ inches 
in  diameter.  In  pi.  41,  fig.  4 is  shown  a bell  having  on  its  outer 
surface  near  the  handle  certain  mystic  syllables,  eight  in  number.  On 
the  interior  surface  are  three  mystic  syllables  and  a 7-petalled  flower 
in  the  dome.  The  handle  is  cylindrical  and  lias  a head  of  I)h arma  sur- 
mounted by  a dorje.  This  bell  was  made  in  Derge,  which  country  is 
famous  for  the  clear  toned  bells  cast  there. 

Similar  to  the  preceding,  except  that  the  head  of  Dharma  does  not 
appear  in  the  handle,  which  is  only  a half  dorje,  is  the  bell  shown  in 
fig.  5.  This  bell  comes  from  the  famous  lamasery  of  Dolon  nor,  in 
eastern  Mongolia. 

The  usual  position  in  which  the  bell  is  held  is  in  the  left  hand,  the 
opening  of  the  bell  pointed  towards  the  body,  the  thumb  against  the 
handle  and  the  fingers  around  the  body  of  the  bell.  (For  description 
of  lamaist  bells  see  Alex.  Cunningham,  Ladak,  p.  373.) 

The  dorje , or  thunderbolt,  is  generally  used  with  the  bell,  it  being 
customary  to  hold  it  in  the  right  hand  between  the  thumb  and  index, 
the  other  fingers  extended.  It  was  looked  upon  in  early  times  in  India 
as  a sacred  symbol  of  Indra,  and  in  Nepal  it  has  become  symbolical  of 
the  Buddha  and  his  religion.  Possibly  this  symbolism  is  known  to  the 
Tibetans,  but  I have  not  seen  it  mentioned  in  any  of  their  sacred  books 

The  Nepalese  scriptures  say  that  a contest  once  occurred  between  Buddha  aud 
Indra,  in  which  the  latter  was  defeated,  and  had  wrested  from  him  his  chief  and 
peculiar  instrument  of  power,  the  vajra  or  thunderbolt,  which  was  appropriated  as  a 
trophy  by  the  victor,  and  has  ever  since  been  adopted  by  his  followers  as  the  favorite 
emblem  of  their  religion.  * * * 

The  Vajra  and  the  ghanta  or  bell  have  a peculiar  symbolic  meaning  attached  to 
them  by  Buddhists,  similar  to  that  attached  by  Hindus  to  the  Linga  and  Yoni.  The 
Vajra  represents  Buddha  and  corresponds  to  the  Linga;  the  ghanta  represents 
Prajna  Devi  or  Dharma,  whose  head  is  often  figured  on  its  handle,  aud  corresponds  to 
the  Yoni.  (H.  A.  Oldfield,  Sketches  from  Nipal,  ii,  199 — 200.) 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  40. 


Drums  made  of  Human  Skulls;  used  in  Religious  Ceremonies. 

Damaru,  <>r  Hand  Drum  of  Skulls.  Silk  tassels.  Kuiubum. 

(Cat.  No.  130385.  U.  S.  N.  M.) 


Damaru.  Painted  white  and  red  with  heads  of  demons,  skulls,  etc. 

(Cat.  No.  153363,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1 893.  — Rocknill. 


Plate  40. 


. 1 

Drums  made  of  Human  Skulls,  used  in  religious  ceremonies. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  41. 


Dorje  and  Bells  used  in  religious  ceremonies. 

Fig.  1.  .Japanese  Dorje. 

(Cat.  No.  130390,  It.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  2.  Japanese  Dor.ie. 

(Cat.  No.  167172,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  3.  Tibetan  Dorje. 

(Cat.  No.  167268,  U.  S.  X.  M.) 

Fig.  4.  Church  Bell.  Derge. 

(Cat.  No.  131011,  IT.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  5.  Church  Bell.  Dolon  nor. 

(Cat.  No.  130389,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  41 . 


Dorje  and  Bells  used  in  religious  ceremonies. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  42. 


Libation  Bowl  and  Holy-water  Vessels. 

Fig.  1.  Holy  Water  Vase.  Kumbum. 

(Cat.  Xo.  1110402,  U.  S.  N.  II.) 

Fig.  2a.  Skull  Bowl.  Kumbum. 

(Cat.  No.  130384,  U.  S.  N.  H .) 

Fig.  2b.  Cover  of  Bowl.  Made  of  copper,  gilded 
(Cat.  No.  130384.  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Fig.  2c.  Base  of  Bowl.  Made  of  brass,  gilded.  Heads  at  corners  painted. 
(Cat.  No.  130384.  U.  S.  N.  M.l 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  42. 


Libation  Bowl  and  Holy-water  Vessel. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


741 


The  usual  form  given  the  dorje  in  Tibet  is  shown  in  fig.  3.  It  is  of 
bronze  and  about  o inches  long.  Exactly  the  same  form  is  found  in 
Japan  (fig.  2). 

Fig.  1 is  another  form  of  the  dorje  used  by  certain  sects  in  Japan. 
Here  there  are  but  three  prongs  at  each  end  instead  of  live,  as  in  the 
more  commonly  used  one. 

The  holy-water  vase  ( bumba  or  We  bum)  is  used  in  certain  lamaic  cere- 
monies connected  with  the  worship  of  Ts’e-pa-med.* 

On  pi.  42,  fig  1,  is  shown  one  of  these  vases  made  of  brass,  with  the 
spout,  top,  and  base  heavily  gilded.  The  vase  is  of  Persian  shape, 
with  a large  spherical  body  and  slender  bent  spout.  The  neck  is  short 
and  narrow  and  terminates  in  a flaring  mouth,  in  shape  like  an  over- 
turned bowl.  In  the  top  of  this  is  a small  circular  opening,  in  which  a 
chased  metal  tube  tits,  reaching  far  down  into  the  vase  and  having  in 
its  upper  end  a bunch  of  Jcusa  grass  and  some  peacock  feathers — this 
instrument  is  the  aspergil.  The  vase  has  a covering  of  silk  fastened 
around  the  neck  so  as  to  completely  hide  the  vase.  Such  coverings  are 
not  only  put  on  these  vases  but  on  most  objects  used  in  church  worship, 
on  the  sacred  images,  books,  etc.,  probably  as  a mode  of  honoring  these 
sacred  objects.  The  water  used  in  these  vases  has  a little  safl'ron  in  it 
and  sometimes  a little  sugar.  The  vase  is  6£  inches  high  and  elabo- 
rately chased  where  exposed  to  view.  The  portion  of  the  vase  under 
the  silk  covering  ( nabze  or  “gown”)  is  roughly  beaten  copper.  Fre- 
quently these  vases  are  of  silver  and  finely  chased  over  the  whole  of 
their  surface. 

The  Tuisol,  “to  pray  for  ablution,”  ranks  among  the  most  sacred  of  the  Buddhist 
rites,  and  is  performed  at  every  solemn  assembly  for  the  washing  away  of  sins. 
Water  is  poured  out  from  a vessel  similar  to  a teapot,  called  rnaugu,  and  also  bumpa, 
over  the  vessel’s  well-cleaned  cover,  called  yanga,  or  a particular  metallic  mirror, 
ruelong,  which  is  held  so  that  it  reflects  the  image  of  Sakyamuni,  which  stands  on  the 
altar.  The  water  falls  down  into  a flat  vessel,  called  dorma,  placed  upon  a tripod. 
(Emil  Schlagiutweit,  Buddhism  iu  Tibet,  p.  239,  and  T.  W.  Rhys  Davids,  Buddhism, 
p.  248  ct  seq.)  See  also  Waddell,  loc.  sup.  cit.,  in  which  he  describes  the  ceremony 
called  “The  obtaining  of  long  life;”  also  W.  W.  Rockhill,  On  the  lamaist  ceremony 
called  “The  making  of  mani  pills”  (Journ.  Amer.  Orient.  Soc.,  xm),  which  is  a cere- 
mony of  the  same  class  as  that  described  by  Dr.  Waddell. 

The  purbu  or  nail  is  a triangular  nail  ending  in  a sharp  point.  The 
handle  is  in  the  shape  of  a half  dorje,  with  a human  head  terminating 
it.  It  is  used  in  exorcising  evil  spirits.  (See  Waddell,  Buddhism  of 
Tibet,  pp.  483  and  488). 

The  skull  bowl  is  used  in  worshiping  Ts’e-pa-med,  when  it  is  filled  with 
nectar  brewed  from  ch’ang.  After  the  ceremony  it  is  drunk  by  those 
present.  It  may  be  noted  that  various  gods — among  others  Ts’e-pa  med 
and  Paldan-lh’amo — are  represented  with  skulls  in  their  hands  filled 
with  ambrosia  ( dud-tsi , literally  “ devil’s  juice”).  The  custom  of  using 
skulls  as  holy  vessels,  or  even  as  eating  bowls,  is  a very  old  one  in  Asia; 

*See  L.  A.  Waddell,  The  so-called  “eucharist”  of  the  lamas,  in  Asiatic  Quarterly 
Review,  April,  1894,  and  Buddhism  of  Tibet,  p.  298,  444  et  seq. 


742 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


a certain  class  of  lamas  use  them  for  the  latter  purpose  at  the  present 
time.  We  find,  however,  in  the  Buddhist  Vinaya  or  canon  law,  which 
dates  from  the  early  days  of  Buddhism,  that  monks  were  forbidden 
using  skulls  as  alms-bowls  as  being  then  used  by  devil  worshippers. 
(Sacred  Books  of  the  East.  vol.  xx,  p.  89.) 

Fig.  2,  on  pi.  42.  represents  a libation  bowl  made  of  a human  skull(u) ; 
it  has  a lining  of  iron,  with  an  ornamented  copper  gilt  rim  fitting  on  it. 
The  cover  ( b ) is  finely  and  intricately  chased;  on  each  side  is  a landza 
character — or  rather  monogram — the  mystic  syllable  om , with  an  ara- 
besque design  surrounding  it.  The  top  is  surmounted  with  four  half 
dorje  at  right  angles,  a fifth  and  larger  one  forming  a handle.  The 
stand  ( c ) on  which  the  skull  rests  is  of  gilt  copper  and  triangular  in 
shape.  At  the  three  angles  are  human  heads  painted  white,  red,  and 
green.  The  triangular  design  on  the  face  of  the  base  seems  to 
be  flames,  and  the  Chinese  symbol  of  the  yang  and  the  yin  (the  two 
principles  of  nature)  appear  in  the  middle  of  each  side.  For  further 
particulars  bearing  on  the  mode  of  selecting  and  consecrating  such 
skulls,  I must  refer  the  reader  to  my  paper  “On  the  use  of  skulls  in 
lamaist  ceremonies.”  (Proc.  Amer.  Oriental  Society,  Oct.  1888,  p. 
xxiv,  et  seq.) 

The  Museum  collection  contains  also  a few  images  of  gods  of  the 
finest  workmanship.  They  are  made  of  copper,  cast  and  then  very 
finely  gilt,  chased,  and  polished.  The  interior,  which  is  hollow,  is  filled 
with  some  of  the  same  articles  as  are  put  in  ch’iirtens  (see  Cunning- 
ham, Ladak,  p.  309).  When  the  image  rests  on  a circular  base  of  the 
open  lotus  flower  style,  these  articles  are  inclosed  in  it.  These  images 
are  all  distinctly  Bralnnanic — a peculiarity  of  nearly  all  lamaist 
images — with  the  exception  of  the  heads,  which  are  usually  made  with 
terrifying  features  colored  red,  blue,  or  green. 

PI.  43  represents  a small  gilt  image  of  Jambyang,  the  “sweet  singer” 
(Manjusliri)  of  the  Indians.  He  is  here  represented  seated,  holding  in 
his  right  hand  the  sword  of  wisdom  with  a flaming  point,  to  dissipate 
darkness  among  men,  and  a noose  in  his  left.  Behind  his  left  arm  is  an 
open  flower,  in  which  rests  a book. 

Jambyang  is  the  god  of  wisdom,  and  his  principal  sanctuary  is  at 
Wu-t’ai-shan,  in  the  Chinese  province  of  Shan-hsi. 

PI.  44  is  an  image  of  Drolma,  “The  Savioress,”  called  in  Sanskrit 
Tara. 

It  is  [says  Dr.  Waddell]  to  this  attribute  of  beiug  ever  ready  to  help  and  ever 
approachable  that  she  owes  her  popularity;  for  most  of  the  other  deities  of 
“northern  Buddhism’’  can  not  he  approached  without  the  mediation  of  a lama, 
while  the  poorest  layman  or  woman  may  secure  the  immediate  attention  of  Tara  by 
simply  appealing  to  her  direct. 

She  has  the  attributes  of  a female  Avalokita,  and  in  Tibet  she  is  expressly  regarded 
in  her  most  popular  forms  as  the  Sukti  or  female  energy  of  Avalokitesvara.  (Dr.  L. 
A.  Waddell.  Journ  Roy  Asiat  Soe.,  1894,  p.  63  et  seq.) 

This  image  was  made  at  Ch’amdo  in  eastern  Tibet. 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockh ill. 


Plate  43. 


Gilt  image  of  Jambyang  iManjuhsri. 
C’at.  No.  130396,  U.  S.  N.  M.  Lli'asa. 


Report  of  National  Museum  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  44. 


Gilt  image  of  Drolma  (Taral 

Cat.  No.  130395,  U.  S.  N.  M.  Ch'amdo 


Report  of  National  Museum.  1893. — Rockhi 


Plate  45. 


Gilt  image  of  Ts'e-pa-med  (Amitayus). 
Cat  No.  130400,  U.  S.  N.  M.  Dolon  Nor. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


743 


PI.  45  represents  an  image  of  Ts’e-pa-med,  the  “ god  of  endless 
life;”  in  Sanskrit,  Amitayus.  This  god  is  also  known  as  Wu-pa-med,  or 
“ Endless  light;”  in  Sanskrit,  Amitablia.  Under  the  name  of  Ts’e-pa- 
med  he  is  implored  for  longevity.  The  god  is  represented  seated,  hold- 
ing before  him  in  his  right  hand  a bowl  (often  a skull)  filled  with  the 
water  of  life;  the  left  hand  rests  with  upturned  palm  in  his  lap  under 
the  right. 

PI.  4G  represents  Tamdrin;  in  Sanskrit,  Hayagriva.  This  god  is 
one  of  the  Drag-slied  or  gods  who  protect  man  against  evil  spirits. 
He  is  here  represented  with  three  faces  of  hideous  expression  and  on 
his  head  is  a crown  of  flames.  He  has  six  arms  and  two  legs,  and 
around  his  waist  is  a girdle  of  leaves.  In  his  upper  right  hand  he 
holds  a noose,  and  in  the  lower  an  arrow;  in  his  upper  left  hand  is  a 
3-leaved  flower(  ?)  and  in  his  lower  left  a bow.  The  middle  right  hand, 
which  he  holds  before  him,  has  in  it  a cross  dorje.  The  middle  left 
hand  is  empty,  the  thumb  touching  the  second  and  third  fingers,  the 
index  and  little  finger  held  extended.  A long  rosary  hangs  around 
his  n-'ck,  and  he  is  kneeling  on  his  left  knee.  He  has  three  eyes  in 
each  ace,  the  third  eye  upon  the  forehead  being  that  of  wisdom.* 

PI  47  shows  a remarkably  fine  specimen  of  work,  representing  the 
god  of  wealth  or  god  protector  of  treasures  (Gunkar  yijin  norbu),  also 
a Drag-shed.  The  god  is  three-faced,  with  a crown  of  flames.  He 
stands  erect  on  two  elephants,  and  has  six  arms.  The  middle  ones  are 
held  before  him  with  offerings  in  them.  The  upper  right  hand  holds 
a dorje,  the  upper  left  a beclion  or  club.  The  lower  right  holds  a damaru 
or  small  hand  drum,  and  the  lower  left  a snare  ( dzagpa ).  This  image 
was  made  at  Lh’asa. 

PI.  48  is  supposed  to  represent  Ch’os-bjiu  jamba.  The  saint  is 
clothed  in  a mantle  falling  over  the  arms,  while  his  hands  are  held  in 
the  position  of  prayer  or  supplication.  The  earrings  are  peculiar  and 
unusual.  This  image  and  the  following  were  bought  at  the  great  lama- 
sery of  Kumbum,  and  are  not  of  as  fine  workmanship  as  the  three  pre- 
ceding ones. 

Pk  49  represents  the  image  of  some  holy  man,  apparently  a Chinese; 
but  jl  have  not  been  able  to  identify  him. 

One  of  the  principal  treasures  of  the  great  lamasery  of  Kumbum  is 
the  so-called  white  sandal  wood,  sprung  from  the  hair  of  Tsongk’apa, 
the  founder  of  the  u Yellow  church,”  who  was  born  at  this  place 
toward  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century  of  our  era.  The  leaves 
of  ill  is  tree  are  carefully  collected  and  sold  to  pilgrims,  who  use  them 
as  medicine  or  wear  them  as  charms  in  their  gaico.  Abbe  Hue  says  that 
when  he  saw  the  tree,  characters  of  the  Tibetan  alphabet  were  visible 
on  every  leaf  and  in  the  bark.  At  present  it  is  said  that  images  of 
Tsongk’apa  are  sometimes  visible  on  some  of  the  leaves,  when  the  person 

* Wherever  seen  in  images  of  gods,  the  third  eye  in  the  middle  of  the  forehead  is 
the  eye  of  wisdom,  or  foreknowledge. 


744 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


looking  for  them  has  sufficient  faith.*  The  tree  is  probably  a lilac. 
( Syringa  villosa , Yahl.) 

A lot  of  leaves  of  this  tree  were  bought  by  me  at  Kumburn  in  1891. 

Trees  sprung  from  the  hair  of  saints  are  quite  numerous  in  Tibet. 
Explorer  U — G — saw,  on  the  left  bank  of  Tsangpo  cli'u,  belowChet’ang 
and  near  the  Sangri  Khama  monastery,  a hill  overshadowed  by  cypress 
trees,  “all  of  which  sprung  from  the  scattered  hairs  of  a saint,  which 
were  cast  to  the  winds  hereabouts.”  (Report  of  Explorations  in  Tibet, 
Bhutan,  etc.,  p.  28.)  Sarat  Chandra  Das  saw  at  Tashil'uupo  a juniper 
bush  in  which  the  hair  of  Gedundrub,  the  founder  of  the  lamasery,  is 
still  “said  to  exist.” 

The  Arab  traveler  Ibn  Batutah  saw,  in  the  fourteenth  century,  at 
Deh  Fattan,  on  the  Malabar  coast,  a tree  on  the  leaf  of  which  there 
appeared  every  year,  “written  by  the  pen  of  divine  power,”  the  words, 
“There  is  no  god  but  Allah,  and  Mohammed  is  the  envoy  of  Allah.” 
(Ibn  Batutah,  Travels,  Defremery’s  edition,  iv,  p.  88.)  This  last-men- 
tioned tree  was  probably,  according  to  Mr.  T.  Dyer,  a graft ophijllum. 

A snmll  mold  of  wood  with  a number  of  figures  of  a loaded  yak,  of  a 
man,  a dog,  etc.,  and  Buddhist  emblems  cut  in  it,  may  be  found  in  pi. 
33,  fig.  1.  It  is  used  to  mold  figures  in  f samba,  which  are  afterwards 
colored  and  figure  in  certain  ceremonies  for  expelling  the  demon  of 
sickness.! 

The  two  most  commonly  used  kinds  of  incense  (spos)  are  the  larger 
sticks  of  the  sliakama  pos  or  saffron -colored  incense,  also  known  as 
jambling  lcun-jyab  or  “ world  pervading,”  on  account  of  the  great  strength 
of  the  perfume,  and  a smaller  variety  which  is  of  a deep  violet  color, 
and  is  in  common  use  in  all  temples  and  for  household  worship.  Great 
quantities  of  it  are  manufactured  in  central  Tibet  (Lh’asa  and  Shigatse) 
and  exported  to  China,  Mongolia,  and  every  corner  of  Tibet.! 

A frequently  used  substitute  for  incense  consists  in  dried  spines  of 
the  juniper  (shuka)  mixed  with  a little  butter  and  salt,  these  ingredients 
making  the  spines  burn  more  readily  and  completely.  This  kind  of 
incense  is  very  extensively  used  throughout  Tibet  and  parts  of 
Mongolia. 

PI.  50  shows  a pitcher  0 inches  high,  of  cast  brass,  in  the  shape 
of  an  ewer.  It  is  roughly  ornamented  with  a series  of  lines  and  dots, 
and  around  the  base  is  written  in  Tibetan  characters  a mantra.  The 
handle  is  large  and  cast  at  the  same  time  as  the  body.  The  use  to 
which  this  ewer  is  put  is  not  known,  but  it  is  certainly  not  a household 
utensil.  It  is  a rough  piece  of  work;  probably  in  an  unfinished  state. 

Musical  instruments. — Music,  both  instrumental  and  vocal,  is  a promi- 
nent feature  in  lamaic  ceremonies.  The  principal  instruments  used 
are  the  drum,  trumpet,  flageolet,  cymbals,  and  conch  shell.  The  drums 


*See  Prince  Henri  d’Orleans,  Le  pere  Hue  etses  critiques,  pp.  34—12. 
tFor  a full  account  of  these  ceremonies,  the  reader  is  referred  to  Emil  Schlagint- 
weit,  Buddhism  in  Tibet,  p.  269  et  seq. 
t See  also  Journ.  Roy.  Asiat.  Soc.,  n.  s.  xxm,  p.  281. 


Report  of  Nationa  Museum,  1893. — Rockhill 


Plate  46. 


Gilt  image  of  Tamdrin  iHayagrival 

Cat.  No.  130393,  U.  S.  M.  X.  Lh'asa. 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  47. 


Gilt  image  of  the  God  of  Riches  <Gunkar  Yijin  Norbui. 

Cat.  No.  130399,  U.  S.  N.  M.  Lh'asa. 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893  — Rockhill. 


Plate  48. 


Gilt  image  of  Ch’os-bjin-jamba. 
Cat.  No.  107870,  U.  S.  N.  31.  Kumbum. 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  49 


Gilt  image  of  a holy  man— probably  Chinese  Buddhist. 

Cat.  Xo.  167269,  U.  S.  N.  51.  Kumbum. 


Report  of  National  Museum,  1893.  — Rockhill. 


PLATE  50. 


Pitcher  of  cast  brass. 
Cat.  Xo.  167292,  U.  S.  X.  SI.  Lh'asa. 


Report  of  Nat  ona  Museum  1893  — Rockn  I' 


Plate  51 


Descriptive  score,  useo  in  lamaist  church  services. 
Oat.  No.  1303™,  U.  S.  N.  M.  Kumbum. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


745 


are  of  two  kinds — the  small  hand  drum  previously  described,  and  the 
large  drum  ( ch'orna ),  which  is  cylindrical,  about  2 feet  in  diameter  and 
8 or  10  inches  high.  To  it  is  fastened  a handle  about  3 feet  long,  by 
which  it  is  held  erect.  It  is  struck  by  means  of  a stick  shaped  like  a 
sickle,  with  a long  handle.  This  drum  and  also  the  hand  drum  are 
apparently  copied  from  two  well-known  kinds  of  Chinese  drums.  (See 
J.  A.  Van  Aalst,  Chinese  Music,  p.  76.) 

The  big  trumpet  or  dung-olden  is  from  6 to  S feet  long,  made  of  cop- 
per, and  is  slightly  bent  so  that  the  end  may  rest  flat  on  the  ground. 
A smaller  trumpet  is  made  of  a human  tibia,  and  is  called  bang -dung 
“leg-bone  trumpet.”  No.  130386  is  one  of  these.*  A piece  of  skin 
(supposed  to  be  human)  is  sewed  around  it,  and  a plaited  lash  about  20 
inches  long  hangs  from  its  end.  Such  trumpets  are  used  in  exorcising 
ceremonies.  Another  form  of  hang-dung  is  made  with  the  mouthpiece 
and  the  lower  portion  of  chased  copper,  the  central  part  only  being  of 
bone. 

The  hautboy  ( jyeling ) used  by  the  lamas  is  of  Chinese  origin  and  pat- 
tern, and  calls  for  no  particular  remark  beyond  stating  that  most  of  them 
have  loose  or  sliding  tubes  by  which  means  the  sounds  are  modulated. 
The  cymbals  ( sin-yen ) used  are  also  Chinese  in  shape  and  probably  man- 
ufacture. A small  kind  of  cymbal  called  ding-sha,  the  disks  of  which  are 
about  2 inches  in  diameter  and  suspended  horizontally  by  a short  string 
so  that  their  edges  may  be  struck  together,  is  also  used  by  the  lamas — 
not  in  church  ceremonies,  but  only  when  reading  prayers  in  their 
houses.  This  latter  instrument  is  the  Indian  mandira , used  to  measure 
time  in  musical  performances. 

Conch  shells  are  used  to  call  to  prayers  and  for  other  purposes 
similar  to  those  for  which  the  big  trumpets  are  used.  They  have  fre- 
quently a metallic  mouthpiece  and  are  handsomely  ornamented  around 
the  rims.  There  is  a most  beautiful  specimen  of  such  a conch  shell  with 
inscriptions  on  it  in  Chinese,  Tibetan,  Mongol,  and  Manchu  in  the  Brit- 
ish Museum.  Conch  shells  with  whorls  turning  to  the  right  are  espe- 
cially prized,  and  a lamasery  which  is  so  fortunate  as  to  possess  one  is 
famed  throughout  the  land.  (Land  of  the  Lamas,  p.  110.) 

A system  of  musical  notation  is  used  by  the  lamas  to  teach  chant- 
ing and  accompanying  liturgies.  These  books,  called  yangyig,  “ hymn  or 
songbooks,”  contain  akind  of  descriptive  score,  consistingof  wavy  lines, 
showing  when  and  for  what  space  of  time  the  voice  should  rise  or  fall. 
Plate  51  shows  several  pages  of  this  music.  Where  the  conch  shells 
should  be  sounded  or  the  drum  beaten  is  shown  by  a figure  of  a shell  or  a 
drumstick.  This  system  of  notation  is  specially  interesting  from  the 
fact  that  it  is,  so  far  as  I am  aware,  the  only  one  found  in  eastern  or 
central  Asia.  (Plate  51,  and  Land  of  the  Lamas,  p.  88,  also  Waddell, 
Buddhism  of  Tibet,  p.  432.)  f 


* Not  illustrated  in  this  paper. 

t On  lamaic  musical  instruments,  see  also  Georgi,  Alpliabetum  tibetanum,p.404. 


746 


REPORT  OF  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  1893. 


MISCELLANEOUS  OBJECTS  FROM  THE  CHINESE  BORDER  LANDS. 

In  fig.  1 of  pi.  52  is  shown  a shoe  made  of  oxhide  and  in  shape  some- 
what like  an  Indian  moccasin.  The  sole  is  turned  up  all  round  the 
vamp,  which  latter  has  a tongue  coming  over  the  instep.  These  shoes, 
called  pH-hai  in  Chinese,  are  worn  in  the  extreme  western  part  of  Kan-su 
by  the  poorer  classes. 

Inside  these  shoes  coarse  woolen  socks,  knit  of  sheep's  wool,  are 
worn  (fig.  2).  These  socks  are  invariably  knit  by  the  men.  It  is,  by 
the  way,  no  uncommon  thing  in  Mohammedan  countries  for  the  men  to 
knit.  1 have  noticed  it  in  Algeria,  and  Friar  Odoric,  speaking  of  the 
people  of  Huz  in  Kliuzistau  (Persia),  remarks  of  them  “and  ’tis  the 
custom  for  the  men  to  knit  and  spin,  and  not  the  women.”  (H.  Yule, 
Cathay  and  the  way  thither,  I,  p.  53.) 

Sandals  made  of  hemp  (figs;  3 and  4)  are  known  as  ma  liai  in  western 
Kan-su  where  they  are  made  and  worn.  They  closely  resemble  the 
Ssu-ch'uanese  sandal  (figs.  5 and  6),  woven  of  rice  straw  over  hempen 
cords,  with  some  slight  difference  in  the  width  of  the  piece  in  front  to 
protect  the  great  toe.  The  Kan-su  sandal  is  iu  all  respects  like  the 
Korean  one.  In  all  these  sandals  a string  passes  through  loops  fast- 
ened to  the  sole  and  heel  and  is  tied  around  the  ankle. 

In  western  Ssu-cli’uan,  where  these  sandals  are  the  only  foot  gear 
worn  by  hill  porters,  iron  clamps  or  crampons,  consisting  in  an  oval 
plate  of  iron  with  four  short  Hat  points  on  them,  are  tied  to  the  middle 
of  the  foot  when  the  ground  is  wet  or  slippery. 

The  collectiou  contains  a brass  saucepan  9 inches  in  diameter,  the 
back  and  handle  beaten  out  of  the  same  piece.  It  is  used  by  Mongol 
and  Chinese  traders  when  traveling,  not  only  as  a pan  but  as  a ladle. 

A copper  tea-kettle  with  top  fitting  closely  in  it  is  also  in  the  collec- 
tion. It  is  egg-shaped,  with  a rude  handle,  and  is  without  a spout.  It 
is  manufactured  by  the  Chinese  of  Hsi-ning  and  Tankar  iu  western 
Kan-su  for  the  Tibetans  and  Mongols  of  the  Kokonor. 

A wooden  pail  in  the  collectiou,  made  of  numerous  wooden  staves 
held  together  by  three  brass  hoops,  is  from  the  Ordos  Mongols.  It  has 
a brass  ear  and  ring  on  each  side  and  through  this  passes  a yak  hair 
handle.  It  is  a little  larger  at  the  bottom  than  at  the  top.  Such  pails 
are  very  much  valued  by  these  Mongols,  and  the  handles  are  frequently 
decorated  with  cowrie  shells  or  beads. 

In  the  collection  is  a fine  blanket  of  mixed  goat  hair  and  sheep’s 
wool  dyed  a clear  brown  color.  It  is  made  of  four  strips,  each  18  inches 
wide.  Such  blankets  are  woven  by  the  border  Chinese  for  travelers 
and  are  practically  waterproof.  This  one  was  bought  iu  Kuei-hua 
Ch'eng  (eastern  Mongolia). 

Fig.  15  of  pi.  5 represents  a breast  ornament  worn  by  Mongol  women. 
It  is  iu  the  shape  of  two  of  the  eight  signs  of  good  luck,  “the  fishes,” 
and  the  “chest-mark"  (or  “intestines,”  as  the  Chinese  call  them).  It 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  52. 


Tibetan  Foot  Wear. 


Fig.  1.  Leather  Moccasin.  Kan-su. 

(Cat.  No.  131202,  U.  S.  N.  AI.) 

Fig.  2.  Woolen  Socks.  Kan-su 
(Cat.  No.  131199,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Figs.  3 anti  4.  Hempen  Sandals.  Kan-su. 
(Cat.  No.  131198,  U.  S.  N.  M.) 

Figs.  5 and  6.  Straw  Sandals.  Ssu-ch’uan. 
(Cat.  No.  167181.  U.  S.  N.  M.) 


Report  of  National  Museum  1893. — Rockhill. 


Plate  52. 


Footwear  of  Kan-su  and  SsO-ch’uan  border  lands. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ETHNOLOGY  OF  TIBET. 


747 


is  of  brass,  heavily  gilt,  and  in  the  center  of  it  is  an  ornament  in  coral 
and  turquoises.  Three  rings  are  fastened  to  it;  by  one  a string  passes 
by  which  it  is  suspended  around  the  neck,  and  to  the  other  two  are 
fastened  the  ends  of  long  strings  of  coral  beads,  the  other  ends  of  which 
are  attached  to  the  earrings. 

The  Museum  collection  also  contains  a curious  picture  executed  by 
some  Chinese  painter,  probably  in  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth 
century.  It  represents  a town  in  Chinese  Turkestan,  and  gives  a vivid 
picture  of  the  people  of  that  province,  their  mode  of  living,  their  various 
occupations  and  amusements.  It  is  30  feet  long  and  about  30  inches 
broad,  and  deserves  careful  and  detailed  study,  it  being  replete  with 
valuable  ethnological  data.  It  was  purchased  in  Peking  in  1887. 


